The late Sultan Sikander was succeeded by his eldest son Sultan ‘Ali in A.H. 817 (A.D. 1414). It has already been said that his reign lasted eight years and some months. In the year A.H. 826 (A.D. 1422), he proceeded on a pilgrimage to Mecca and entrusted his kingdom, government and property to his son Zainu’1-’Abidin. The later ascended the throne of Kashmir in the same year, and his reign lasted fifty-two years.
Expedition against Jasrath
During his reign Mir Sayyid Nasir re-equipped himself with arms and supplies to confront Raja (of?) Jasrot. He paid no heed to the entreaties of his brothers, dear ones and elders to desist from the contemplated expedition and was inspired by the verse which says: ‘In the hand of God, the conductor of affairs, have we left the result of our actions; let us see what His grace will be.” Setting aside their advice, he told his relatives that the year appeared to be auspicious for his victory. Since, with the grace of God Almighty, all the necessary means were available to him, he was disposed to translate his desire into action. In accordance with the dictum that ‘whenever God wishes a certain thing to be done, necessary means appear’, it was likely that victory would be theirs, and that group of wicked persons would become their prisoner. The aforesaid group [of wellwishers] found that the Sayyid was not prepared to change his decision. Hence they were left with no alternative but to remain silent and leave the consequences of his actions to God Almighty. They returned to their residence. In short, the abovementioned Mir Sayyid very humbly embarked on this expedition and uttered the verses:
[ verses ]
In a fit of anger, he (Sayyid Nasir) burnt the dwellings of the inhabitants of Jaricha, and then turned towards Jesrath. Sayyid Qasim says that apart from his own troops, five thousand more soldiers of his old acquaintance, who were armed to the teeth and owed allegiance to Mir Nasir Baihaqi, preferring death to life, marched from Jaricha to seek revenge on Raja [ of ? ] Jasrot [sic]. They passed through dangerous stages [of the journey] and at last were face to face with the troops of the Raja. A fierce battle ensued in which people in large numbers on both sides were killed. At last, with the help of God, the troops of Islam emerged victorious over the infidels, whose innumerable soldiers were killed on the battlefield and many were taken prisoner.
Relation with Sayyids
After destroying the Satan’s party, he (Mir Sayyid Nasir) proceeded to Nowshehr (Hind) to visit the holy shrine of Miran Sayyid Hasan. When the news of the advent of the victorious troops of Mir Sayyid Nasir in Nowshehr (Hind) reached Sultan Zainu’l- ‘Abidin in Kashmir, he despatched experienced advisers to [meet] Miran Sayyid Nasir with the purpose of reviving cordial relations with Mir Sayyid Mahmud which had been established during the reign of Sultan Sikandar.
To strengthen and to stabilize his authority, he (Zainu’l’Abidin) invited him to a feast and duly fulfilled the obligations demanded of a host. Mir Sayyid Nasir had three sons, all brave and valiant. One of them, Mir Sayyid Ibrahim, attained martydom while fighting the infidels in the vicinity of the Doab; his grave is at Jaricha. With his death Ibrahim’s line came to an end. The second son, Miran Sayyid Mahmud, succeeded his father. At the time of leaving Nowsher (Hind) for Kashmir, he bade his son proceed to Jaricha. Mir Mahmud remains buried at Jaricha and his descendants continue to live at that place. His third son was Mirak Sayyid Hasan who was taken by his father along with himself. Relying on Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin’s promises of friendship and cordiality, Nasir entered Kashmir by the Hirpur route at the head of a sizeable entourage. Then he settled in Kashmir.
Zainu’l-’Abidin found that Mir Sayyid Nasir was gifted with excellent qualities of head and heart; he entrusted him with the administration of justice in those lands. A dwelling-house situated somewhere between Bagh-i-Mir Veys and Nowshehr was provided to him. The Sultan strengthened his relations with this group to add to his prestige and power. The wisdom and sagacity of Mir Sayyid was wellknown among the learned men of Kashmir.
Finding that Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin held the Sayyid in high esteem, the materialistie people of that wretched country (Kashmir) conspired to put an end to his life, which was dedicated to public good, by putting poison into a pineapple, which was sent to him as a gift.
This foul deed was done by a wicked person. God grants special favours to His true and sincere devotees, and one among these is to elevate them to the heights of martyrdom at the last moments of their lives.  Despite his miraculous powers of anticipating dangers, Miran Sayyid ate the pine-apple. What appeared to be a fruit was in reality the fatal poison which went into his bowels, tearing them to shreds.
Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin immediately went to see him at his place and came to know about what had happened. He asked Miran Sayyid about the ignoble wretch who had committed that crime, so that he might be brought to book. “He has snatched you away from us and we shall meet nowhere save in the next world.” said the Sultan. The Sayyid replied that he would, in no case, disclose the identity of the detestable culprit because torturing him would only work towards his [Sayyid’s] losing the lofty claim to martyrdom. It was enough that on the day of resurrection the sinner would be exposed to untold torture and the wrath of the Omnipotent. Mirak Sayyid Hasan, his son, pointedly insisted upon him to disclose the facts about the poisoning, but to no avail. He asked for a pen and an inkpot and wrote these couplets as a recommendation for his sons, and gave [the paper] to the Sultan
[ verses ]
Perceiving that the Sayyid’s illness had taken a serious turn, Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin felt greatly distressed and retired to his palace in a state of utter dejection. He continued to make constant enquiries about his health and was overpowered by grief to such an extent that he could not rest even for a moment in his bed. The Hatif (the invisible messenger) brought this word from the unknown to the ears of the pure:
[ verses ]
On wednesday, the twelfth of the month of Sh’aban, his condition became serious:
[ verses ]
On Thursday, the thirteenth of Sh’aban, A.H. 829 (A.D. 1522), he surrendered his soul to the messenger of death. The chronogram of this event has been recorded as follows:
khiradmand dana-i danish pazir
ze man baz pursid Tarikh-i Mir
dil-e danish anduz-e ulwi sarisht
bigufta buwad Sayyid ahl-e bihisht
His death was mourned by all, high and low, friend and foe.
[ verses ]
The burial [of the Sayyid] and the accompanying rites of a dead person were performed in accordance with the traditions laid down by the Prophet [of Islam]. The body was laid to rest in the neighbourhood of the graveyard of Shaykh Bahau’d-Din, a lovely, alluring place of spiritual charm. To this day, the shrine continues to be a place of spiritual attraction for the devotees who visit it to seek the blessings of the departed [soul]. They offer prayers to seek fulfilment of their wishes and solutions to their difficulties. The shrine in that land is called Mazar-i-Sadat.
Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin and his nobles and elderly people condoled the death of the Sayyid for three days and also fulfilled mourning obligations demanded by the sad occasion. Divines, priests and scholarly persons were summoned to recite the Qur’anic verses round-the-clock. On the third day, he [the Sultan] served a sumptuous meal to them as well as to poor people. After visiting the graves [of the pious ones], he returned to his palace. Mirak Sayyid Hasan, the son of the deceased, and other kinsmen and relatives of the late Sayyid were then summoned by him to his palace, where he entrusted the office held by the late Sayyid to his son. The rest of his associates were rewarded with different favours.
After Mirak Hasan assumed the office of his father, the foster-brothers  of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin, adopted a threatening stance in Nowshehr by showing defiance of and disregard for his authority. They began to put hurdles in the way of Sultan’s administrative officers in conducting their duties. Their insolent and base actions made him unhappy. It was generally believed by people in Kashmir that these very persons were instrumental in getting Sayyid Nasir poisoned. Thus the Sultan had sufficient reasons to be displeased with them. Placing a contingent of troops under Mirak Sayyid Hasan, the Sultan directed him to suppress the insurgents. Supported by the unbounded grace of God, Mirak Sayyid Hasan confronted them bravely. A grim battle ensued which resulted in the wholesale slaughter of those people.
[ verses ]
With the defeat of the enemy, Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin’s government in the lands of Kashmir became very strong and stable. People in those lands were delivered from the oppression and tyranny of the Sultan’s foster-brothers and their accomplices. They all submitted to the authority of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin and spent their days in peace and security and prayed for his long life.
Arts and crafts
Relieved of anxieties, Zainu’l-’Abidin took up his residence at Nowshehr and ordered the construction of lofty mansions and imposing buildings in that locality. Most of his generals and commanders were given houses in that area for residential purposes. Apart from these, some high ranking people among the Sayyids and the learned, like Sayyid Muhammed Madani, Mulla Parsa and others were also invited to live in that locality so that their association and company would be easily available [to him].
After this victory, people in this land enjoyed peace and prosperity. The Sultan made full efforts towards the development and progress of his kingdom and extended encouragement to artists and craftsmen. As a result of these, a number of novel arts and crafts developed and became popular. Whenever a traveller came to this country, he was asked searching and pointed questions as to whether he was proficient in any art and craft. In case he was, a couple of clever and intelligent persons were told to learn these crafts from him. In this way many arts and crafts came into vogue.
During those days, no one in this land knew the art of paper-making and book-binding. This king of excellent parts despatched two intelligent and sharp-witted persons to Samarqand. Their families and children were provided with means of subsistence from the state exchequer, and they themselves received all the expenses of their journey and other incidental expenses during their travel to Samarqand. They stayed in that city for some years. One of them learnt the craft of paper-making and the other book-binding. After attaining perfection in their respective crafts, they returned to their native land where they popularized their newly-learnt crafts among people.
Patron of learning
He (the Sultan) bestowed so many favours upon men of arts and learning that it is not possible to imagine that annything more could be done [about it].
During those days, the number of authentic and rare books in this country was very small. This patron of learning sent a variety of presents to the rulers of Fars, Khurasan and the governors of ‘Iraq and Sijistan, with the request that they arrange for him a collection of genuine and rare books. The number of books thus collected was so large that it cannot be described here. When the Sultan learnt from haji pilgrims that the original manuscript of Jarullah ‘Allama’s Kashshaf in his own hand was in the possession of the learned men of holy Mecca, he [immediately] summoned an excellent calligraphist and placing more than adequate funds at his disposal, despatched him to Mecca where he stayed for some years and succeeded in making for him a true copy of this work. After collecting and correcting his copies of the manuscript very carefully, he procured a certificate from the nobles and the elite of the ‘Mother of Cities’ to the effect that the scribe had copied from the original manuscript of Jarullah and had most carefully compared the two, making necessary corrections in his copy before carrying it with him to those lands. On seeing the manuscript, Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin once again bestowed upon the scribe gifts and robes of honour. The manuscript was put in the custody of the concerned office. During the first uprising of Mirza Haider, amidst loot and arson, this manuscript fell into the hands of Qadi Mirza Haidar [or the Qadi of Mirza Haidar ?]. The Qadi, realizing that it was a valuable prize, carried it to his native land.
Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin showed considerable respect for men of learning and attainment; he also gave prizes and stipends to them. During his reign, many learned men of great repute flocked to his court from foreign lands (vilayat) Maulana Mir Muhemmed Rumi and Maulana Ahmad Rumi, the two brothers with various attainments to their credit, arrived in this land [during this time]. They received lavish gifts and favours from the Sultan and ultimately settled here. On learning about Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin’s bounteous patronage to men of learning, a large number of them came to Kashmir; they were received and looked after with special care. 
Tolerant towards Infidels
Whereas the Sultan showed considerable favour and regard to the Muslim nobles and their learned men, he also undertook the re-construction of the monuments of the infidels and the communities of the polytheists. He popularized the practices of the infidels and the heretics and the customs of idol-worshippers and the people ignorant of faith. All those temples and idol-houses af the infidels, which had been destroyed totally in the reign of Sultan Sikandar, may God bless his soul, were re-built and re-habilitated by him. Most of the unbelievers and polytheists, who had fled to the lands of Jammu and Kishtwar because of the overwhelming strength of Islam, were induced by him to return to Kashmir. The sacred books of the infidels and the writings of the polytheists which had been taken out of this country were brought back, and thus the learning of the unbelievers and the customs of the polytheists were revived by him. He helped the community of the misled idolators to prosper. In every village and town, blasphemous customs connected with spring or temples were revived. He ordered that in every town and locality, celebration of special feasts and festivals by the infidels be revived in accordance with the customs prevalent in the past. He himself attended many of these festivities and distributed gifts among dancers, stage actors, musicians and women singers so that all people, high and low, found themselves happy and satisfied with him.
Security of boundaries
Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin provided effcient and orderly administration during his reign and ensured safety and security of the boundaries of Kashmir from encroachments and forcible territorial occupation by foreigners. He extended the territorial limits of his domain to acquire some arable land in distant Tibet at a place called Li Shi and turn it into a private farm.
On the side of India, all the territories conquered by Sultan Shihabu’d-Din on the other side of Bahlul Pora waters, the Salt Range and the boundaries of Swadgir were put in the control of Sultan of India. Whatever fell on this side [of the geographical boundary] remained under the control of the Sultans of Kashmir. Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin made secure and guarded these boundaries of his domain. These territories yielded tribute to the Sultan. If any ruler dared to launch an attack on these frontiers, he would despatch his commanders and generals at the head of a formidable force to ensure the security of his territory from such attacks. Sometimes he came out in person to command his troops.
Once, during his reign, an uprising took place in those regions, in which the ruler of Kashghar attempted to occupy Tibet and Balti. Sultan Zainu1-’Abidin summoned his nobles and chiefs and a strong force of twenty thousand horsemen and a hundred thousand footmen was raised in the pargana of Lar. These troops were put under local commanders: Muhammad Magray, Malik Mas’ud Thakkur, who was a descendant from the line of Chandas, Helmat Raina, and Ahmad Raina. Among the non-locals, Mirak Sayyid Hasan also shared the command with them. [Along with these] the Sultan marched on to Tibet. Although Kashgharian soldiers outnumbered their Kashmiri counterparts, yet the latter exhibited singular courage and valour. A fierce and bloody battle took place at Yashya [sic], a place in Tibet. At this juncture, under the pressure of the enemy the Kashmiri soldiers began to show signs of fatigue and slackness. But that valient chief of the Sayyids of Baihaq-Mirak Sayyid Hasan-exhibiting the traditional valour of the Hashimites advanced to confront the Turki saldiers.
[ verses ]
Turkish troops made a desperate attack. A day’s relentless fighting wore both the sides down and, by nightfall, they retired to their respective camps. Next day, at sunrise, the commanders and the stalwarts of the realm of Kashmir, taking inspiration from the unique valour which Mirak Sayyid Hasan had exhibited on the previous day, struck so fiercely and slew the Turks so ruthlessly that the very sun in its high sphere sang [their] praises.
[ verses ]
A large number of soldiers was slain on either side. “When Gad wills, a few shall overpower many”, so goe
s the saying. The happy news of the victory of Kashmiri troops spread among the people and was conveyed to Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin. He returned to Kashmir in triumph from the Tibetan ranges and continued to rule over his realm in peace and security.
Works of public utility
During, the times of the aforesaid Sultan, the people of these parts as well as of those falling under his suzerainty witnessed prosperous days and security of life and property; for, the Sultan paid full attention to the dispensation of justice and general welfare of his subjects. During his times, food and other eatables were so abundant and corn and cereals so cheap as they had been never before. Wholehearted efforts were made by the Sultan towards the promotion of works of public utility and other construction activities which led to the prosperity of the country. Many villages and hamlets and stretches of land which had been devastated and rendered fallow and stood in ruins on account of the ravages of Zulchu were rehabilitated and reclaimed. Some of these are Zainpora, Zainakot, Zainadab, and Zainagir. Wherever land was reclaimed for cultivation and habitation, he ordered the construction of a spacious mansion or an attractive rest-house. He desired that the land at Zainagir be reclaimed and made arable. For this purpose he got the old Pohru canal blocked by huge stones. Its water was thus brought to the lands of Zainagir which enabled the villagers to cultivate paddy. Income raised from the taxes and revenues of those lands was given to men of learning, eminence and piety, for their maintenance. Thus it was endowed in their name. [In Zainagir] he ordered the construction of a magnificent palace. When it was completed, he also ordered that a garden with shady and fruit-bearing trees be laid around it.
Pandav Chak destroyed
In those days there lived one Pandeh (Pandav) Chak, a descendant of Lankar Chak, and head of the clan of Chaks. He conferred with his relatives and associates that in case Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin stationed himself in Kamaraj, it would result in forced labour for their tribe. Men would be forced to do manual labour including carrying of loads and luggage. On the eve of the Sultan’s arrival in the town, no workers except carpenters, masons, and artisans were present. Pandeh Chak took with him a group of his kinsmen and set that place on fire [where the Sultan had decided to stay in Kamaraj]. After destroying all the buildings, he withdrew to the mountains of Trehgam, but despatched his womenfolk to Drav. When the news was conveyed to the Sultan, he sent a large contingent of his soldiers who burnt the houses belonging to Pandeh Chak at Trehgam. Pandeh Chak fled to Drav. Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin got the palace re-built but only to be burnt by Pandeh Chak and his men once again, when they seized a suitable opportunity to return from Drav. Again Pandeh Chak retired to Drav. Later on Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin tried to win the people of Drav by offering gifts and extending many favours to them. In this way he brought them under his submission. They captured Pandeh Chak along with members of his family and kinsfolk, young as well as old, and then handed them over to the Sultan, who issued orders of execution [sic] of Pandeh Chak and also of such of his sons and relatives who were capable of fighting or resisting him. Their children and womenfolk were banished to a village called Kavarel  [sic] and situated on the other extreme of Kashmir. They took up permanent dwelling there. After some time, their infants came of age and cultivated acquaintance with local people. Their neighbours treated them with compassion and affection. At last the clan of the Nayaks which had been enjoying superior position in that locality entered into matrimonial relations with the Chaks. Most of the other leading families of the area also established matrimonial alliances with them.
Of their line-a son of Pandeh Chak-was one Husain Chak whom God blessed with nine or ten sons. The clan of the Chaks of Trehgam increased and multiplied through the progeny of this Husain Chak and their tribe broke off into various branches. We shall deal with them at their proper place in this work.
The legend of Wular
Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin had zest for raising buildings and mansions at places which commanded scenic beauty and had attractive surroundings. Lakes, full of clean and transparent waters, like of Dal, Bumeh [sic] and Wular were filled with stones and earth [at particular spots] to create artificial islands on which splendid buildings were erected. Such a big artificial island was developed in the Wular lake on which a mansion, a mosque and some houses were erected; it was given the name of Lank.
It is said that in ancient times there was no water at the present site of the lake and a big town with dense popution flourished there. The ruler of this city was called Sudarshan. The inhabitants of the city indulged in various kinds of immoral and corrupt acts and the king and his courtiers perpetrated cruelty and oppression [ on people ].
In the city there lived a pious and God-fearing potter; he was unhappy with the rest of the people for their corrupt and impious acts. One night he saw a soothsayer in his dream who bade him to exhort his compatriots to desist from all acts of impiety and ignominy, failing which their land would get submerged under a sheet of water. When the potter conveyed this to the people, they did not give any credence to him; they called him a mad man and dismissed his words as nonsense. The following night the potter received afflatus directing him to roll his belongings [that very night] and abandon the city because an impending deluge was to wipe it out entirely. Till midday he made a public announcement of this imminent danger, but no one paid heed to him. Shortly after the afternoon prayers, he collected his belongings and fled to Kamaraj. The following dawn he glanced back from the hill-tops far across the city-and found it submerged. He found no traces of its buildings.
In that city there was a big idol-house and a lofty temple. The idol-house also got submerged under water. Since Zainu’l-’Abidin desired to raise an artificial island in the lake on which the lank could be created, he ordered the boatmen and the divers to locate a spot of minimum depth in the Wular over which it could be raised without much labour. All of them suggested the spot where the massive buildings had stood previously. They said that when the water receded to its lowest level in winter, the stones of the temple would become visible through the crystelline waters of the lake. Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin took a boat and personally examined the spot. He ordered the divers to make an attempt at finding anything [of the relics] inside the temple in the water. The divers plunged into the lake and with utmost care made their way into the temple, wherefrom they pulled out two bronze idols. The Sultan then selected the very site for developing an island.
Prior to that, this Sultan had got a boat built for use in the Wular lake after the design of boats found in Gujerat. A master architect, Duroodgiri by name, had been called from Gujerat and he supervised the construction of the boat in which the Sultan used to make pleasure trips whenever he so desired. The boat moved with the help of sails. For developing the artificial island, lank, he ordered that the boat be brought to stand exactly over the site of the submerged temple. It was then filled with stones and sunk into the lake. Then more stones were dropped around it. This was followed by boatloads of loose earth and stones till the island came up. It was brought to a level higher than that of the water, so that the structure raised on it was made secure against floods and storms. The shape of this island is somewhat like a rectangle, with its length extending from east to west and — yards respectively and — yards from north to south.
The Sultan ordered that two buildings be constructed on that island; one, a palace with its ground floor made of stone, and the upper two storeys of brick and timber; the other, a mosque raised solidly in the middle of the island. One of the poets of those days found the year of construction of lank in the chronogram Khurram-Abad.
The verse ergraved on the top fore-part of the mosque is:
ta Zain-i abad andar an jashn kunad
paiwasteh chu tarikh-i khudash Khurram bad.
The Sultan got mulberry and fruit trees planted and flowers of different hues cultivated on the island. In fact, an attractive place with an airy mansion was raised in the middle of the lake. A picnic spot of such beauty is not to be found in the whole of Kashmir.
It has been seen that some of the rulers who attained power and authority ordered the pulling down of some ancient buildings. They raised new structures on these sites to be ascribed to them. But the palace and the mosque of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin [ in the Wular lake ] cannot suffer such an alteration.
After the construction of the lank and the raising of structures on it, the Sultan paid attention towards the reclamation of land at Zainagir and also towards the digging of the Pohru canal, as is evident from the chronograms about these two projects. The date of creating the lank has been derived from the chronogram Khurram-Abad and that of Pohru Canal from Jay-e Khurram.
Men of learning
There flourished a large number of famous saints during the reign of this Sultan, such as Shaykh Bahau’d-Din Kashmiri, Shaykh Sultan Kubra, Shaykh Nuru’d-Din, Maulana Othman Majzoob, Shaykh Zainu’d-Din Rishi, Mir Veys Majzoob, Maulana Nuru’d-Din, Mir Sayyid Madani, and Sayyid Hasan Bilad-Rum. Some of them lived from the times of Sultan Sikandar, the Iconoclast, to the times of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin; some appeared and became known only during his ( Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin’s ) days. Apart from them, a fairly large number of men of erudition and eminence also lived at that time: for instance, Mulla Muhammad Rumi, Mulla Ahmad Rumi [of whom mention has already been made], Qadl Sayyid ‘Ali Shirazi, Qadi Jalal, Maulana Kabir, Sayyid Muhammad Luristani, and Sayyid Muhammad Sistani. By and large, his courtiers and the men of learning of his times were of cheerful disposition, experts in the art of versification, and subtle in their discourses. These included Maulana Ahmad Kashmiri, Maulana Naderi, Maulana Ziyai? Maulana Fathi and several others whose artistry can be found in their delightful verses. The Sultan himself was adept at writing verses and possessed a poetic sensibility. He adopted Qutb as his pen-name and has left behind a Diwan of his verses. Here is a verse from his composition: 
ay begird-e sham’-i
vaz lab-i shirin-i tu shorist dar har khanehi ?
In short, he was a ruler who did his utmost for the progress and prosperity of his subjects; who took keen interest in the re-habilitation and building up of the state; whose benevolence and munificence prompted artists and craftsmen to gain excellence in their skills . [ When ] the Jame’ Mosque in the city caught fire during his reign, he ordered the re-building of its western structures so that Friday congregations and prayers were not suspended. The front portion of the mosque remained charred. The ceiling as well as the roof had been completely burnt and except for the bare walls nothing remained. The mosque continued to be in this condition till the times of the government and ministry of Malik Musa Raina [ and ] Ibrahim Magray. During the ministry of Malik Musa Raina, Malik Ibrahim Magray undertook the task of re-construction of the three sides of the mosque, making use of timber and pillars and other material brought from Kitch-hama and Kamaraj and [ in ? ] it is, indeed, a big achievement of Ibrahim Magray.
Revival of idolatory
The only conspicuous defect and an over-all drawback of Zainu’l-’Abidin was that idolatory and heresy, which had been stamped out in the reign of Sultan Sikandar the Iconoclast – God bless his soul- and of which there had remained no traces in the lands of Kashmir, were revived by him. The customs and practices of the polytheists and the heretics received fresh impetus and were given renewed currency. He ordered that particular days of festivity be celebrated in every town and village, in which innumerable vices and corrupt practices were let loose. In more than one way, these had a deletarious influence on the sharia’ and Islam brought by the Prophet. The community of infidels and heretics called him the Great King[ 45] because they flourished under his rule and he was known by the name throughout his kingdom.
With the passage of time, the customs of the Hindus  and the infidels and their corrupt and immoral practices attained such popularity that even the ‘ulenza, the learned, the Sayyids and Qadis of this land began to observe them without exhibiting even the slightest repugnance for them. There was none to forbid them to do so. It resulted in a gradual weakning of Islam and a decay in its cannons and postulates; idol-worship and corrupt and immoral practices thrived. It was only after the arrival of Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad Iraqi and through the instrumentality of his generous acts and excellent efforts that those unholy practices were eradicated. Islamic religion and injunctions of the sharia’ of the Holy Prophet were revitalized under the dispensations of that spiritual guide. Some of these events will be recorded at their proper place.
Thus ruled Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin over the kingdom of Kashmir and enforced laws through its length and breadth. His reign lasted fifty-two years. Unable to protect his dear life from the claws of the angel of death, he passed away in A.H. 878 (A.D. 1473). This, according to the calendar of the people of Kashmir, was  Vivat 12. He was buried by the side of his father Sultan Sikandar, God’s peace and forgiveness be on him.
[ verses ]
After the death of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin, his son Haidar Shah succeeded him on the aforesaid date. He did not live long, and, after reigning for about two years, died in A.H. 880 (A.D. 1475). 
Thus, in the aforesaid year, which according to Kashmiri calendar is 48 Vivat, he was succeeded by his son Sultan Hasan Shah. During the tenure of his kingship, the Sultan gave himself up to carnal pleasures. Nearly twelve hundred Indian singers  of both sexes were inducted into his service. Apart from them, Kashmiri musicians, singers, cymbal-beaters, etc. were also in the employ of his household. During the entire period of his reign, he never came out [of his palace] to lead his troops, though, of course, he did despatch his chiefs and commanders to lead them. The commander of his army was Malik Ahmad Itoo. Sehej Raina, a descendant of the Chandals, and Ahmad Magray of the clan of Magrays  were among his high-ranking officials.
Expedition to Sialkot
Upto his times, the inhabitants of Bahlool Pore and its adjacent areas paid taxes and tributes to the officials of Kashmir and subjected themselves to their authority. One of his (Hasan Shah’s) officers, Tazi Bhat had proceeded to Bahlool Pora with a contingent of troops to collect taxes and tributes. The governor of Lahore and Panjab at this time was one Tatar Khan. He had moved his soldiers to a certain place for military exercises and the troops [ stationed ] at Sialkot and its suburbs joined him for the said purpose. Thus [at the time of Tazi Bhat’s arrival] in Sialkot and its adjoining areas only the peasants, artisans, and petty shop-keepers could be found. Tazi Bhat launched an attack on Sialkot and subjected the people to loot and plunder, causing ruin and devastation. When Tatar Khan returned to Lahore and came to his dwelling place, he was told about the devastation suffered by his country. Forthwith, he turned towards Kashmir at the head of his army. However, no strenuous efforts were needed at that time to occupy Kashmir for the reason that the Sultan, the nobles, the commoners, as well as the soldiers were given to sloth and had become addicted to bkang (canavis sativa) and other kinds of narcotics. In the past the kings of Kashmir had enjoyed fame and reputation in the lands of India, and the territories from the ridges of Kajdari mountains and the off-sides of the borders at Gagren, was lost by the Sultans of Kashmir and passed into the control of [the kings] of India, still, the revenues from the peripheral areas of the domain of Kashmir from Kajdari and Gagren [sic] to this side amounted to twelve crores [?] and one thousand horses [sic] annually . 
After this (Tatar Khan’s invasion), the commanders and the chiefs of Kashmir adopted an attitude of bellicosity towards one another and took to mutual feuds and in-fighting. This naturally crippled their capacity to re-capture the out-flanking areas of Kashmir. They could not ensure the security of the country; the result was that those territories were lost by the rulers of Kashmir. Thus, except for bare midlands. nothing remained under the sway of the authorities in Kashmir. Indeed, when friends begin to oppose and confront one another, the enemy enjoys the fruit of their conflicts to his heart’s content.
Shams ‘Iraqi arrives
In the times of Hasan Shah, Mir Shamsu’d-Din – the pioneer among the enquirers of truth-blessed these lands for the first time with his auspicious footsteps. He had brought an affectionate letter of greetings for Sultan Hasan Shah from Sultan Husayn Mirza  in which the latter had honoured him by addressing him (Sultan Hasan) as his ‘illustrious son.’ Apart from that he had sent Sultan Hasan a fur-coat of Kesh from his personal wardrobe. Being addressed as his ‘illustrious son’ and supplemented by the presents sent by him, the ruler of Khurasan certainly added to the honour and prestige of the kings of those lands (Kashmir).
After the death of Hasan Shah, Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi got detained in Kashmir for about eight years on account of chaos and confusion which prevailed there. It was during the reign of Sultan Fath Shah that he was permitted to leave and presents were offered to him. His second visit [to Kashmir] came off after a lapse of twelve years, during the reign of Sultan Muhammad Shah.
Hasan Shah’s death
During the time of the same Sultan Hasan Shah, Shaykh Shihabu’d-Din Hindi, accompanied by his daughter, paid a visit to this land. He announced that at Medina, by the side of the grave of the Holy Prophet, he had been told in a dream that his daughter would be the future wife of Sultan Hasan Shah of Kashmir. He further made it public that he had come from Medina only to give his daughter in marriage to the Sultan.
This Shaykh Shihabu’d-Din was a learned man who came to Kashmir in the middle of autumn. Sultan Hasan put off the marriage ceremony for a couple of months to allow them rest after a long and arduous journey. When the spring set in, he wanted the marraige to be solemnized. But the inevitable dispensation brought him his message of death before the contemplated marriage could take place, and he joined the world of the dead. Sultan Hasan Shah reigned for twelve years and five days and in the year 89 – corresponding to the sixth Vivat, l0th in Kashmiri calendar- he breathed his last. He was laid to rest by the side of his father and his ancestors. In the same year, his son, Sultan Muhammad Shah, ascended the throne at the early age of seven.
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Muhammad Shah under guardianship
At that time, the authority and control of the government rested in the hands of Sayyids of Baihaq. The foremost leader of this group was Mirak Sayyid Hasan, the son of Mir Sayyid Nasir. He wielded authority over other high officials [sic] in major administrative matters; he considered Kashmiri chiefs and commanders as not a bit higher than his servants and attendants. He had it proclaimed that in the management of public affairs, he would not outstrip the limits of the sharia’, and that negligence in its observance [ by people] would not be tolerated. He further said that he would not take for himself a single penny exacted under oppression, and promised to abide strictly by the commands of the holy Book while dealing with the matters of state. “Justice is a provost who adorns the state: a ray that removes darkness and brings light.”  Mirak Sayyid Hasan put into practice what he said; he meted out justice to the oppressed and gave them solace.
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[Such an] enforcement of religious law was resented by the miscreants and the wicked who feared him. Since Kashmiri chiefs were ignorant of the [superior] quality of administration based on the Muhammadan law, they found it difficult to get adjusted to the authority of Mirak Sayyid Hasan. Hence they looked for pretexts to put an end to his life. The scheme they devised was to deploy three hundred well-equipped irregular warriors  in the royal place at night. When Mirak Sayyid Hasan would come to his chamber where he used to dispense justice after offering morning prayers, the troops would rush from their hiding places, and put him to the sword. The conspiracy was kept a top secret.
It has been written in Kashmiri (i.e. Sanskrit)  that on that particular night, while Mir Sayyid Hasan lay asleep as usual, he had a dream in which he saw his father Mir Sayyid Nasir informing him that since his enemies had joined hands in a vicious conspiracy of murdering him, it was advisable that he should not come out of his house next day nor should he ride his horse. But after rising from sleep he ignored to seek an interpretation of the dream,  and proceeded to his office chamber. Despite vehement entreaties made by his well-wishers and sincers friends not to come out of his house on that day, he came out, and regarded the previous night’s dream as the work of an evil spirit.
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Mirak Sayyid Hasan arrived in his office chamber without any hesitation. The murderers rushed out of their hiding place and made a sudden attack on him and his nephews. He had with him his bow and arrow. Forthwith he struck an arrow into the breast of one of his assailants with such force that, piercing his breast, it embeded into another man’s side, killing both of them.
They [the Sayyid and his assailants] came so near to each other that there was hardly any chance for anybody to use an arrow or a lance. With swords and daggers, clubs and other weapons Mirak Sayyid Hasan and his nephews got entangled in fight with their opponents. It led to many killings in which Mirak Sayyid Hasan and fourteen of his brethren and nephews attained martyrdom. The date of his death has been found in the chronogram:
tarikh-i faut-i u ze khirad just murshidi
dana-i aql goft ki Mirak shahid shud.
Revenge and fighting
Of Mirak Hasan’s party only one servant, wounded and badly-mauled and drenched in blood, could manage to force his escape through an aquaduct in the fort of Nowshehr. He carried himself to Mir Muhammad, the son of Mirak Hasan, and told him of the tragedy [that had befallen Mirak Sayyid Hasan]. In spite of the fact that Mir Muhammad had not even crossed the seventeenth year of his age, he was not frightened by this overhelmingly tragic event. He told his blood-brother, Mir Sayyid Hashim, that if they did not fight the enemy then and there, the result would be death to their supporters.
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He added that unless they fought their enemy, unless the valiant on either side were slain in battle, and unless streams of blood flowed between the royal palace and the fields their score with the chiefs of Kashmir would not be settled 
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This suggestion was liked by the entrie body of seniors on their side. A force of three thousand troops, armed to the teeth, was raised and, relying on God’s grace, mounted their horses, and headed towards the fort of Nowshehr. When Kashmiri nobles came to know of their [enemy’s] ability to strike, they blocked the gates of the fort and deployed archers and catapulters all around it. They armed themselves and stood guard at different gates.
People, high and low, climbed on roofs and house-tops to have a view of the mighty battle which was being fought between soldiers [fighting] on foot and on horse-back. Mir Muhammad, along with his soldiers, engaged the enemy in front of the gate where the royal band played at regular intervals. Amir Sayyid Hashim and his warriors took position near the gate from which water flowed down. Both the brothers told their men in loud words that the onlookers expected them to fight like brave and valiant soldiers. Emotionally charged, the warriors were galvanized into heroic action and they fell upon the enemy like lions on their prey. With divine assistance, they put those wretched people to utter rout with a single onslaught. Many Kashmiri warriors were slain, and the rest, realizing that resistance was futile, left from the gate opening towards the Phak pargana. They destroyed the bridges over the river running through the city, and assembled at Zaldagar maidan and sought reinforcement and help from the people of that locality.
Raising the lofty banner of victory, Mir Muhammad arrived at the spot where his father lay slain. He saw the tragic scene of his father’s dead body and those of his relatives lying in dust and blood, like the martyrs of Kerbala.
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Despite the overwhelming strength and power of the Sayyids, the situation slipped out of their control for some time, with the result that there appeared signs of slackness on their part. However, Mir Muhammad was able to recover the dead body of his father from the heap of dust and laid it to rest in his ancestral graveyard. In despair he expressed his thoughts as are embodied in these verses:
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Thereafter they challenged the Kashmiris in loud words, accompanied by the shrill sound of the clarion and the beat of the drum. Fully equipped horsemen rallied round the Sayyids in group after group on their side of the river. They kept themselves in full readiness for an attack. But finding that crossing the river without boats and platforms  was difficult for the horsemen, he (Mir Muhammad) decided to encamp on the specious Idgah grounds with his soldiers and attendants. He ordered that all treasures of the governors of Kashmir be taken out of the fort at Nowshehr. Not troubling his officials to blacken their fingures by counting gold and silver coins one by one, he signalled them with his arrow that these be distributed among his soldiers in shieldfuls and skirtfuls, by way of prize-money and incentive to fight the enemy.
Mirak Sayyid Hasan’s murder gave rise to serious confusion and chaos among Kashmiri chiefs and commanders. The local people as well as the aliens (mawali) living in the land were also faced with a similar situation of chaos and disorder. However, the wise and the sagacious opined that since it was not possible to put an end to the prevailing turmoil without resorting to brute force and a policy of repression, it would be better to send a delegation comprising the learned, the noble and the pious to Mir Muhammad for exploring means of putting an end to the prevailing state of anarchy. The members of the delegation were told to use such soft and appeasing words as would make a definite impact on him. They were to use friendly words and give wise counsel which could bring about conciliation. They were to plead that to err is human and that they were only human beings.
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After agreeing to this, the delegation proceeded on its mission to see Mir Muhammad. First, it offered condolence to him on the death [of Mirak Hasan] and presented him with gifts. Then it conveyed to him the deep regret of the nobles for their acts of omission:
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They went on to say that they (nobles) found themselves at a loss to understand why they did things in haste, and therefore, reproached themselves for not having shown caution and ccnsideration.
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The delegation impressed upon him that if the government [of the land] did not pass into the hands of a capable elderly person, there was a danger that a large number of people would fall victims to revenge and reprisals. Already innocent persons like the pious and elderly Mir Veys had been murdered because of such a state of anarchy. They further told him that because of this magnificent buildings and prestigious localities had also been destroyed.
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In short, senior members of the mission succeeded in conducting negotiations with poise and affability to pave the way for conciliation. Negotiations for truce stretched over a period of two days and conditions were laid down, and by slow degress Mir Muhammad was brought round to agree to the promotion of peace. Kashmiri nobles felt obliged [to them] for success in their mission. Mir Muhammad, therefore, returned with his troops and entourage to India via Hirpur route. 
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After the peace treaty was concluded, the reins of power and administrative authority during Muhammad Shah’s reign rested in the hands of Jahangir (Ahmad) Magray. Mir Sayyid Muhammad joined Sultan Fath Shah, the son of Adham Khan, and the grandson of Sultan Zainu’l-Abidin, at Nowshehr in India. 
Before this event, Malik Saif Dar had fled to that (Hirpur) mountain region. After three years, Fath Shah and Mir Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi brought him to Kashmir along with them. They (Fath Shah and Mir Sayyid Muhammad) together became the governing authority of the domain of Kashmir. Since Mir Sayyid Baihaqi was a blood relation of Sultan Muhammad Shah, he joined hands with him after some time; and, after raising troops, regained control over the state of Kashmir. Sultan Fath Shah was again forced to flee to India. In the sixty-fourth year of Kashmiri calendar, Jehangir Magray breathed his last. Once again, Sutan Fath Shah and Malik Saif Dar succeeded in establishing their control over the domain of Kashmir.
In this adventure, Malik Musa Raina and Serang  [sic] Raina- the offspring of the clan of Chandas  – joined Malik Saif Dar and Fath Shah.
Malik Shams Chak of the clan of Chaks was among the nobles of the land (of Kashmir). He was the son of Helmat Chak. Their tribe hailed from the regions of Gilgit and had settled down in the town of Kupwara. Their kinship with the Chaks of Trehgam had become very distant and there was only mutual rancour and hostility between them. At first, Shams Chak was in the service of the above-mentioned Mir Sayyid Muhammad. But as the two were not able to pull on together, Shams, later on, entered the service of Malik Nowroz Itoo, the son of Ahmad Itoo. Before long, he was able to establish his fame as a brave and valorous person. Intrepid by nature, Shams Chak had displayed exceptional feats of bravery in many battles. Later on, he wielded full authority during the days of Malik Saif Dar.
Husain Chak, the son of Pandav Chak, dwelt in the village of Kawarel [sic]. He gave his daughter in marriage to Shams Chak and with that [alliance] the long-estranged kinship between them was revived. A few of Husain Chak’s progeny joined Shams Chak as his soldiers. Since bravery, heroism, and martial spirit were in the blood of the Chak tribe, Malik Shams Chak was able to acquire an authoritative and powerful position through his people.
After some time, Sultan Fath Shah wished to deprive Malik Saif Dar of his power and authority. To achieve this, he aligned with himself a faction of the chiefs and nobles, such as Shams Chak, Malik Musa Raina, and Serang [sic] Raina, destroyed bridges over the river in the city, rose in opposition against Saif Dar, and created conditions of strife. After some days, Fath Shah and his men crossed the river towards the lower section of the city. The opposing troops then clashed in Ramlench [sic] village. After a hard-fought battle, Malik Saif Dar was killed in the 72nd year of Kashmiri calendar. On Fath Shah’s side, Malik Serang [sic] Raina was slain on the battlefield. After emerging victorious in the battle, Fath Shah entrusted the ministry and administrative authority to Shams Chak. But as in the past, owing to mutual rancour, Mir Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi and Shams Chak could not get along smoothly. Two and a half years later, the two openly confronted each other near the khanqah of Baba Bulbul in the heart of the city. This has already been recorded in [earlier] narratives.
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Finding himself hard pressed in the battle, Shams Chak proceeded towards Zaldagar by crossing the river over the bridge lying at the far end of Baba Bulbul’s Lashkar/Langar [sic]. He waited there for some time. Malik Kaji Chak, following him close at his heels, reached the head of the bridge. He found that the humpshaped bridge, built with a view to facilitating the movement of lofty and loaded boats along the river, had been dismantled. Its wooden planks had wide gaps in them and one could not imagine even a horse to cross the bridge by leaping over them. But Malik Kaji Chak besides being a veteran horseman was also a man of extraordinary – heroic spirit. He whipped his horse fiercely and made it leap in one jump onto the roving platform. He cast a mocking glance at the enemy who came close at his heels, and joined the troops of Malik Shams Chak. A few horsemen-associates of Malik Shams Chak-followed the above-mentioned Kaji Chak and arrived at the bridge-head. In trying to follow the example of Kaji Chak, they made their horses to leap onto the platform, but failing to do so, fell into the river and got drowned.
Confusion and disorder in the rank and file of his army forced Shams Chak to turn towards Kamaraj, and the crown and sceptre, the kingdom and fortune passed into the hands of Muhammad Shah. For the second time, administrative and judicial control [over Kashmir] came to rest in the hands of Mir Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi. Muhammad Shah aligned himself with Mir Sayyid Muhammad, Musa Raina, Ibrahim Magray and other sirdars, and headed towards the district of Kamaraj to see that Malik Shams Chak was totally destroyed. As he reached the village of Trehgam, Malik Shams Chak fled towards Drav. Muhammad Shah and Mir Sayyid Muhammad jointly destroyed the whole of that area by burning houses and localities. Thereafter, they returned to the town of Soipore (Sopor) where they- encamped by the river bank overlooking Kamaraj. On learning of their withdrawal, Shams Chak reappeared from Drav  and proceeded towards Trehgam along with his senior army officers like Malik Bahram Dar, Malik Uthman and Dati [sic] Malik, and the host of Dangars with whom he held consultations. The opinion of the vetarans was that since the main body of their force consisted of nobles and chiefs and the number of soldiers and footmen was inadequate, it would not be advisable to deploy them in an open combat and, therefore, a night-assault wauld be the most appropriate strategy. This plan of Shams Chak’s remained a secret for the troops of Muhammad Shah.
Battle of Sopor
Malik Musa Raina took up his dwelling there along with his sons and relatives whose number was not large. Malik Shams Chak arrived in the town of Sopor in the early hours of the day. When Malik Musa Raina learnt of his arrival, he assembled his men and gave him a tough fight. Most of Shams Chak’s men indulged in acts of vandalism and plunder. With the help of a contingent of brave warriors, he launched an assault on the troops of Malik Musa Raina. A large-scale and bloody battle ensued between the opposing troops leading to the slaughter of a large number of men on either side. Malik Kaji Chak displayed such extraordinary feats of bravery that even heroes and warlords, like the legendry Rustam and Sam, would have felicitated him in laudable terms. He sustained so many wounds  on his face and all over his body that all the persons known and unknown to him in that group felt that there was no hope of his survival. Some of his near-ones carried him off the battlefield for dressing his wounds and giving him medical treatment. Since it was the Will of God that he should hold the reins of the government of this country as also be the recipient of happiness in this world and the world hereafter. God’s all-pervading grace restored him almost to a new life through his rapid recovery and return to health .
After a great fight, Malik Shams Chak once again returned to Trehgam and thence to Nowshehr in India where he joined Fath Shah. Muhammad Shah and Mir Sayyid Muhammad triumphently entered the city and later on, combining themselves with Malik Musa Raina, occupied the domain of Kashmir.
Shams ‘Iraqi’s second visit
[During] those very days, Amir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi was on his second visit to the land of Kashmir. Malik Musa Raina became his ardent follower and accepted his faith. But he could not get on well with Mir Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi, and not before long they came to loggerheads [over some is ues], as a result of which Shams Iraqi proceeded on his travels to Tibet. For this reason, Malik Musa Raina became dissatisfied, rather disgusted, with [his services to and companionship of] Mir Sayyid Baihaqi, and strengthened his relations with Ibrahim Magray and Hajji Padar.
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Fath Shah VS Muhammad Shah
He then established liaison with Fath Shah and Shams Chak who were at Nowshehr in India [at that time], and through an exchange of letters with them, he prepared the ground for a renewal of their old bonds of friendship. Trusting in his promises and letters, they left the mountainous regions of India to come to Kashmir. On reaching Hirpur, they were joined by Malik Musa Raina, Ibrahim Magray. and Hajji Padar along with a large number of their associates. On the other side, Sultan Muhammad Shah and Mir Sayyid ~Muhammad Baihaqi collected all-available troops to give them a tough fight. The two armies faced each other at Zatni Kuji [sic]. The troops of Fath Shah outnumbered those of Muhammad Shah, but the latter’s army included a brave leader like Muhammad Baihaqi, a lion-hearted warrior, a veteran of many a grim and bloody battle, in which he had surpassed everybody in feats of bravery, and had won many victories by his sheer heroic spirit. On this occasion he inspired the sons of war-lords and the chiefs of his troops by infusing in them a spirit of heroism and manliness. The battle that was fought on this day was so terrifying, that the like of it had never been heard of by people in this land.
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The fame of his (Baihaqi’s) extraordinary bravery and imposing personality had reached the ears of the people of these lands much earlier. Therefore they did not dare to confront him. In these circumstances, Fath Shah addressed Shams Chak in these words: “O you veteran of many a battle and valiant and famous among the distinguished warriors ! Spur on your charger and, with the Herculian strength of your frame, sever the heads of our opponents on the battlefield and avenge the death of your kindred.” But the aforesaid Shams Chak did not move [towards the enemy] and told him that though they had a satisfactorily large number of foot-soldiers and cavalry forces in their camp, they did not have sufficient number of light-footed soldiers who were needed for a swift attack on the enemy. To this Fath Shah answered: “What fears does a lion have of a whole pack of foxen?” “If the enemy chose to launch a massive attack on our flanks with only two or three thousand of its intrepid warriors, fighting in harmony as they do, there is no doubt that they will put the very centre of our army to utter rout in no time, ” said Shams Chak. With these words, he rejected the emotionally-charged appeal of Fath Shah. As it had already become dark, he avoided fighting and with the blow of trumpets, both sides retired to rest [for the night].
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With the rise of the sun, Shams Chak, Musa Raina, Hajji Padar, and their soldiers assembled like ants and locusts to fight the enemy.
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On the other side, Mir Muhammad also made promises of special honours, robes of honour, and high posts and other favours to his warriors. Reposing full faith in God and detaching himself from the world and what lics in it, he surrendered to the will of God and moved towards the centre of Fath Shah’s army.
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On they marched to the battlefield. A deafening tumult of war cries together with feverish commotion was raised in the camp of Fath Shah.. A great battle was fought from dawn till midday in which warriors on either side displayed feats of valour. The centre of Fath Shah’s army could no longer withstand the attack of the enemy. He was compelled to link the right flank of his troops with the left and once again gave a concerted fight to Mir Sayyid Muhammad. The last attack of Mir Sayyid’s soldiers could have given him final victory; his sword spat fire of revenge;
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he spurred his horse and dashed against the enemy’s centre. But it so chanced that on that ground there was an abandoned well, the top of which was covered with rubbish, but was hollow from inside. During his charge, his horse’s leg was caught in the hole. Many of his foot-soldiers rushed to the top of the well:
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When the enemy saw this, it took advantage of the opportunity, and made a lightening attack on them:
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A group of [the enemy’s] wicked persons encircled him (Sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi) and made repeated attacks to throw off the soldiers who surrounded him. Beholding that the enemy had encircled them and that a breakthrough had almost become impossible, though no doubt his men had been fighting with all their courage and determination and not at all afraid of death that hovered over their heads, all that Muhammad Shah could do in such circumstances was to pray for their deliverance. He himself was forced to flee towards Nowshehr in India. The date of his (Mir Sayyid’s) death has been found in the chronogram:
kard tarikh-i wafatash chu khiradmand su’al
guft pir-i khiradmand kin sazawar-i behisht.
This event is very well-known in Kashmiri (i.e. Sanskrit) history. It took place in the eighty-first year of Ashushat 9. In this encounter one thousand seven hundred and nineteen of Mir Sayyid Muhammad’s associates, kinsmen and attendants lost their lives, besides the Mir himself. This number included a thousand and two hundred troops who wore saffron-coloured stockings. The tradition in those days was that none but the brave were entitled to wear such saffron-coloured stockings. The dead bodies of Mir Sayyid Muhammad and his kinsmen recovered from the battlefield, which was littered with slaughtered bodies, were buried in their ancestral graveyards. Down to this day, their graves are visited by the needy and the suppliant. Thus Sultan Fath Shah’s power over the kingdom of Kashmir was confirmed and with that began the second tenure of Malik Sams Chak’s ministry.
Destruction of mansions
Mir Sayyid Muhammad was survived by three minor sons, who were brought up in the house of Bahram Dar at Soybug. They were Mir Sayyid Murtaza, Mir Sayyid Ibrahim and Mir Sayyid Ya’qub. The eldest one, Mir Murtaza, got killed when he was hurled down a mountain on his way to Tibet. Sayyid Ibrahim Khan remained a prisoner of the governor of Tibet for a period of two years and six months. It was only after the army of Kashghar got disrupted that he was freed from prison, by the grace of God and without incurring the obligation of any human being, and then returned to Nowshehr in India to rejoin Muhammad Shah. Further details about him will appear at their proper place in this chronicle. Mir Sayyid because of being a minor, continued to live in the main city, unhurt [ by the enemy].
Out of deep-seated malice towards Mir Sayyid Muhammad, Sultan Fath Shah totally destroyed his mansions. These magnificent mansions had been recently completed after several years of labour. Their dormitories and parlours were decorated with wall paintings of exquisite grace and workmanship and the figures drawn were indicative of the artist’s unique novelty. This lent them a distinctive place in the buildings of those times. The ceilings and towers were loftier than what one could imagine and let in fresh air and light plentifully. A notable feature of these mansions was that these were swept clean by silvery-bosomed slender damsels, holding in their soft and delicate hands fly-whiskers of blue horse’s tail with handles set in gold. These mansions were totally destroyed, so-much-so that peasants brought their ruins under plough in which they sowed cottonseed. On seeing such cataclysmic changes in these palaces, the minstrels of those lands made it a theme for their Kashmiri [i e. Sanskrit ?] songs which they sang to the accompaniment of the rhythmic beat of their feet and cymbals. They sang these songs in such doleful voices that sensitive listeners were reminded of the grandeur and magnificence of the lord of those mansions and were moved to tears. These memories broke them down. The verses they composed and sang were: 
shinav in qisseh andar mulk-i Kashmir
na az man az zaban-i kudak-o pir
nishasteh ba hazaran hur-o ghilman
ba khubi har yaki mah-i jehangir
ze uqtas-i du rang-i bahr-i jarub
na kardandi kanizan hich taqsir.
After this event, the news of killing of Mir Muhammad was brought to Mir Shamsu’d-Din by one of his disciples, who told him that the enemy who had driven him out of Kashmir and forced him to turn to Tibet, had been overpowered and killed by his followers. The messenger had hoped that Mir Shamsu’d-Din would feel happy over it. But as he was a believer in the Oneness of God and a person who surrendered to His Will, he ordered that the messenger be lashed. Himself he felt greatly sad like a bereaved person mourned the death of Mir Sayyid, and kept chanting this verse:
unni z guzasht azin gazargah
an kist kih naguzrad azin rah
He felt sorry that the gracious and benevolent (Sayyid Mul!ammad) should have been levelled with the dust. Tears rolled down his face and he offered a prayer for the salvation of the soul of the dead person. He prayed for the welfare of his children and also wished well for all the inhabitants of the locality where the late Mir Muhammad lived. Through the good wishes of Mir Shamsu’d-Din, that locality was rehabilitated and became prosperous within a few years.
Shams Chak murdered
In the early spring of the same year, 12th Veshast [sic] a terrible earthquake was recorded in Kashmir. For [a period of] four months after this, Malik Shams Chak held the reins of the government of Kashmir. After that, Malik Musa Raina and Ibrahlm Magray, in connivance with Fath Shah, imprisoned and chained him (Shams Chak) and later on killed him. He was held responsible for the murder of Malik Saif Dar, for the destruction of the riches of the Dangars, and for having concentrated power in his own hands. For these reasons, Malik Musa Raina gave orders to Bahram Dar and Dati [sic] Malik to put an end to the life of Shams Chak. Shortly after offering evening prayers, they led a party towards the prison to undertake the task. One of the legs of Shams Chak was in clains. He understood that they had come to take his life and he had no weapons with him except a small knife. With it, he attacked his adversaries, and within the prison walls, he killed thirty persons, besides wounding many more. He repeated his attack several times till that party found itself helpless, and nobody had the courage to strike him with a sword. With a small knife and with stones and brickbats, he held his assailants at bay. None of them, in spite of being equipped with swords and axes, could muster courage to go near him. At last his assailants shot a volley of arrows at him from a distance and killed him and his son on the eighty-first of Kashmiri calandar.
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After the murder af Shams Chak and his son, the office of the Chief Vizier and the administrative authority of Kashmir was entrusted to Malik Musa-Raina  in A.H. 907 (A.D. 1501). In agreement and collaboration with Malik Ibrahim Magray, he took control of the domain of Kashmir and undertook its governance. He felt that in certain matters he was being opposed by the group of Dangars. He suspected their designs of fomenting trouble and disorder in the state; [thereforel , he drove them away towards the mountains of India. Malik Musa held the reins of administration for about nine years, during which period the enforcement of Islamic laws and religious tenets of the Prophet reached the highest point. Under the guidance of the righteous Amir (Shams) Shaykh Muhammad ‘Iraqi, the pure religion of Muhammad and the prosperity of the Muslim community reached the highest pinnacle [of attainment]. Malik Musa Raina supported and advanced the mission of Mir Shams ‘Iraqi.
Persecution of Hindus
[It may be recorded] that the temples of idol-worshippers, which had been destroyed and razed to the ground by the religious-minded and justice-loving Sultan Sikandar- God bless his grave and bless him-had been rebuilt and rehabilitated by Zainu’l ‘Abidin. He had permitted idolators and polytheists to revive the practices of infidelity and they had propagated heresy (kufr) and false religion (din-i batil). With the support of some more kings, the infidels had flourished day after day. But with the support and authority of Malik Musa Raina, Amir Shamsu’d-Din Muhammad undertook a wholesale destruction of all those idol-houses  as well as the total ruination of the very foundation of infidelity and disbelief. On the site of every idol-house he destroyed, he ordered the construction of a mosque for offering prayers after the Islamic manner. The idolatory and heresy which had existed prior to his coming to this place were effectively replaced by his preaching and propagation of Islamic laws and practices. He brought honour to all the infidels and heretics (zandiqa) of Kashmir by admitting them to the Islamic faith and bestowed upon them many kinds of rewards and benefactions. It is publicly known as well as emphatically related that during his life-time, with the virtuous efforts and elaborate arrangements made by the fortunate Malik Musa Raina, twenty-four thousand families of staunch infidels and stubborn heretics were ennobled by being converted to the Islamic faith.  It is difficult to compute the number of people who had hitherto indulged in corrupt practices of a wrong (false) faith and dissent and were put on the right track under the proper guidance of Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi .
In fact the transmitter of (God’s) grace (Mir Shams ‘Iraqi) conferred favours upon the righteous Malik Musa Raina and gave him blessings which enabled him to fulfill that cherished task. Indeed, fortunate is one who has been able to become the recipient of such special consideration at the hands of a highly venerable and elderly person like him (Amir Shamsu’d-Din). After Sultan Sikandar-God’s peace be upon him-no one among the Muslims who wielded authority over this country rendered as much service to Islam by its propagation and advancement as Malik Musa Raina did. Nobody was able to make as organized an effort as he did towards the advancement and furtherence of the Muhammadan religion.
l. Sikandar died in A.H. 816/A.D. 1413. See p. 59 supra. But the chronogram Faut-i-Sikandar recorded by Hasan puts the date as A.H. 820 /A.D. 1417. THK p. 185.
2. There could have been more than one reason for taking this decision: (a) Sultan-’Ali did not feel happy with sayyid Muhammad Baihaqi (p. 59 supra); (b) He had lost ‘both the Tibets’ to the ruler of Kashghar whose troops had made an incursion into those regions. ( THK. p. 186 ); (c) His younger brother Shahi Khan (Zainu’l-’Abidin) had become very popular with the people of Kashmir, a fact proved by later events. Ibid; (d) Baihaqi Sayyids had become very powerful and interfered in the affairs of the state. pp. 44. 48-51, supra. The fact that his Hindu father-in-law, Raja of Jammu, dissuaded him from abdicating the throne and going an a pilgrimage to Mecca indicates that it was his political and military weakness and not his intense religiosity which forced him to leave his kingdom. The works of his poet-laureate, Mulla Naderi, which reportedly contain details of the events of his reign, are lost to us. See TMH. MS. f. 39a. However, Jonaraja says that the authority of the government was given to Shahi Khan out of affection, and other considerations. See St. 691. In fact, the title Zainu’l-’Abidin was also conferred upon him by ‘Ali Shah, who was given jewels and horses by Shahi Khan presumably to enable him to meet the expenses of outfit and transport for going to Mecca. Ibid. Stt. 707, 709.
3. It has not been possible to identify who Sayyid Qasim was. Perhaps he was one of the chroniclers from whom the author has borrowed some details.
4. Infidels or Hindu Raja Jasrath
5. It shows that Nowshehr in Jammu region was not included in the kingdom of Kashmir then. But the Baihaqi Sayyids had made the town their stronghold. According to Shrivara Nasir was the chief of Bahurupa. See R. C. Dutt (tr.) Delhi, 1986, pp. 184-185.
6. The suggestion is that this portion of the chronicle was written by the author outside Kashmir. Shrivara writes that the king was married to one Vodha Khatun of Sayyid family. The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. R. C. Dutt, p. 157 Mir Hasan’s daughter was married to Zainu’l-’Abidin’s grandson. Ibid, pp. 184-85.
7. Martyrdom has a special significance in Shia’ faith.
8. This is a significant sentence in the sense that there are slight variations in the death-rites of Shia’s and Sunnis. A Sunni author would not need to insert “with the tradition . . . ”
9. In the present locality of Nowshehr in Srinagar.
10. The custom of mourning the death of a person for three days was also prevalent among the Muslims of Central Asia at that time.
11. Hasan says they were Goorchis (Goorchivar), and had concentrated at Nowshehr. See THK. p. 191.
12. The Sultan built in that locality a twelve-storeyed pleasure-house, which had fifty rooms in each storey. Each of its rooms was large enough to accommodate five hundred persons. The mansion was a unique piece of architecture. In histories it is famous as Zooneh Deb, but was popularly known as Razdan in those days which means the royal palace. THK. p. 191.
13. The tutor of the Sultan, Maulana Kabir, who later on became Shaykhu’l-Islam, was also given a dwelling place in that locality. The Sultan also ordered the building of a madrasah for him in the neighbourhcod of his house. THK. p. 195.
14. Malik Haidar says that paper-makers and book-binders were brought by the Sultan and they were provided with stipends. TMH. MS. f. 41a. Hasan says that the Sultan sent some intelligent and clever persons to different lands to learn the crafts of their people to bring these to Kashmir. Book-binders, paper-makers, carpet-weavers, pen-case makers, stone masons, seal-engravers and bolt-makers were brought from Samarqand. THK. p. 198. Shrivara’s reference to Kashmir woollen fabric called Soha (Shawl ?) is confusing. See R. C. Dutt’s translation, ed. 1986, p. 151.
15. Hasan writes that some works on Hadith were brought from the holy place and constantly studied, but he makes no mention of this parlicular work. Ibid.
16. A H. 947/A.D. 1540.
17. The text is not clear.
18. Meaning Khurasan, Central Asia (Mawara’-a’n-Nahr) and other adjoining Islamic regions.
19. Hasan mentions these names: Maulana Kabir, Mulla Ahmad Kashmiri, Mulla Parsa, Mulla Muhammad, Qadi Hamidu’d-Din, Maulana Naderi, Maulana Ziyai, and Mulla Nadim. THK p. l95.
20. One such temple was that of Jyesthwara in the vici nity of present-day Srinagar. THK. p. 197. For Zainu’l ‘Abidin’s tolerance towards the ‘infidels and the polythe ists’, see Jonar. Stt 824-25, 879, 898-99, and Srivara, i. 5, 46 and 53. It is recorded in Tohfatu’1-Ahbab that he built an alms-house for Yogis on the Dal lake which gave name to the locality of Jogi Lankar (now caled Zooj Lankar or Zooj Lank) in present-day Srinagar. See Tohfat. MS. f. 134b.
21. Hasan says that apart from inducing those Hindus to return to Kashmir who had fled under Sultan Sikandar’s persecution, Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin aslo induced many Brah mans from India to settle in this land. THK. p. 197.
22. Copies of Vedas and Shastras were procured from India and got translated into Parsian. Many Arabic and Persian books were got translated into Sanskrit. Particular mention can be made of Mulla Ahmad’s translation of Rajatarangini and Mahabharata. The Sultan also made Pandit Jonaraja to write a sequel to Kalhana’s chronicle which is the chronicle of events from the times of Jayasimha to his day. THK. p. 197.
23. Jonaraja tells us that the Sultan paid a visit to the Hindu sacred site of Amaresvara (Amarnath) . See Jonar, (Bombay Ed.), p. 1233 et seq. Another shrine of the same name is present-day Amburher near Srinagar. See Rajat. vii, 183, 185 and Vol. II, p. 409.
24. The truce following the Sultan’s fierce battle with the monarch of Dehli, across the river Sutlej made him the master of the area upto Sirhind, as had been provided in the treaty with sultan Shihabu’d-Din. THK. p. 192.
25. See Jonar. St. 716, 3n.
26. Its location in the regions of Tibet is given variously. Shi Zi in THK. p. 181; Sheh Zi in TMH, MS. f. 41a, and Saya in Jonar. St. 834.
27. Malik .Haidar makes no mention of Sayyid Hasan; instead he writes that exceptional bravery was shown by Malik Avtar, Malik Helmat and Malik Ahmad, who were later granted additional jagirs by the Sultan. See TMH. MS. f. 41a.
28. The chronicler seems to establish the Baihaqi Sayyids as the descendants of the Hashimi line which is the line of the Prophet of Islam.
29. The word ‘Chak’ as it figures in the translation should have been spelt as ‘Chakk’ because when it occurs in the verses in the text, it demands a shadd on the letter K. However, its Sanskrit etymology ( Cakra ) does not warrant the doubling of the letter k; hence Chak in the translation.
30. Lankar Chak (Alamkarcakra) was a Damara leader. For details see Rajat. viii, 2482-83. He had sought Raja Suhdev’s assistance and had settled in the village of Trehgam. See THK. p. 217.
31. For Kamaraj (Kramarajya), see Rajat. Vol. II, p. 436. In fact the Sultan occasionally rested at the health resort of Zenagir in Kamaraj were he had laid out spacious and attractive gardens, nearly two miles long. See THK. p. 193.
32. This suggests that forced labour (begar) existed during the reign of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin.
33. Now in district Kupwara, Also see The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. R. C. Dutt, New Delhi, 1986, p. l02 et. seq.
34. A tract of land on river Kishen Ganga. See Rajat. viii. 2709 and ii, 282.
35. Heril, perhaps in pargana Votur. THK. p. 194. For its ancient geography, see Rajat. Vol. II, Note 26, p. 485 et seq.
36. Apart from the Chaks of Trehgam, Hasan speaks of the Chaks of Gilgit originating from the ancestor of Helmat Chak. This tribe settled at Kupwara later on. Pandav Chak and his descendants, Husain Chak and Kaji Chak accepted Shia’ faith by following Shams ‘Iraqi, but the Chaks of Gilgit adhered to Sunni faith and were of Hanafi sect. Hasan also writes that he had heard his father saying that one of the Trehgam branch of Chaks came to Sardar A’zam Khan. He donned a Tartar cap (kulah-i-tatri), were Uzbek boots and was so tall that he lifted the Sardar from the howdah and placed him on the ground. See THK. pp. 217-18.
37. Sanadatnagar in TMH. MS. f. 39b.
38. The hill-top is known as Kraleh Sanger even to this day. Ibid.
39. It had been built by Raja Sandhimat. See THK. p. 194. Also see Rajat. ii, 132.
40. Hasan calls it Zenadab. THK. p. 194. There is no mention of the existence of a temple and its bronze images in Jonaraja. See Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. R. C. Dutt, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 90-92.
41. The boat was made on the pattern of a ship. See TMH. MS. f. 40a.
42. Called Rishi in Hasan. See THK. p. 199.
43. Qadr Jamal came from India and stayed in the khanqah of Amir Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadani. People used to seek solutions to their religious problems from him and also got their letters written by him. The Sultan invited him to his court after he got a letter from him. Later he was made the Qadi of the city of Srinagar. See TMH. MS. f. 40b.
44. Hasan has given five verses of the ghazal. See THK p. 207.
45. BudShah in Hasan. See THK. p. 206. Hindu writers raised him to the status of god Vishnu. See Jonar. Stt. 935, 973.
46. The word Hindu (and not kafir) is used here for the first time in the chronicle.
47. His reign lasted fifty-two years. TMH. MS. f. 41b. According to Hasan, he died at the age of sixty-nine. Malik Haidar closes the chapter on Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin with the verse
agar sad sal mani dar yaki ruz
bebayad raft azin kakh-i dilafruz
Shrivara’s detailed account of agonising last days of his life stands in contrast to the author’s sudden closing of the chapter. See J. C. Dutt (tr.) Delhi, 1986, pp. 165-67.
48. It is curious that the author has dismissed Haidar Shah in one sentence. Malik Haidar, too, has devoted hardly one sentence to this king. But Hasan gives him more space, alluding to the court intrigues resulting from Haidar Shah’s indulgence in carnal pleasures, his soft policy towards Hindus, and his damaging of the mosques. See THK. p. 208. It is to be noted that Shrivara has given us the account of the rebellion of Adam Khan, the eldest son of Zainu’l-’Abidin and his banishment from the kingdom. Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. J. C. Dutt, New Delhi 1986, pp. l24 et seq.
49. His queen, Hayat Khatun, the daughter of Sayyid Hasan ibn Sayyid Nasir Baihaqi bore him two sons, Muhammad Khan and Husain Khan. The former was brought up by the wife of Malik Tazi Bhat (who later on became the commander of Hasan Shah’s troops), and the latter by Malik Ahmad Itoo, the chief vizier of Hasan ‘Shah. THK. p . 208 seq .
50. This is corroborated by Malik Haidar and Hasan. See TMH. MS. f. 42a and THK. p. 210. For more details see The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, tr. J. C. Dutt, pp. 231-32.
51. Malik Haidar does not menion Ahmad Magray, only Malik Sehej, Malik Avtar, Malik Ahmad Itoo and Taz Bhat are mentioned. See TMH. MS. f. 42a.
52. Text not clear. Hasan says that the Sultan continued to receive 12 lakh rupees in cash and a thousand horses by way of presents from foreign countries. See THK. pp. 210-11.
53. For detailed account of his being a Sayyid, a descendant of the line of Imam Musa Kazim, the Seventh Imam according to the ithna ‘ashriyya faction of the Shia’, the reader may see the amusing ‘Introduction’ of Bahristan-i Shahi edited by Akbar Haidari (Kashmir, 1982). p. 28. et seq. See also Tohfat. passim. In Shuka’s Chronicle he is recorded as Merashesha. The Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, (tr.) J. C. Dutt, Delhi, 1986, p. 339 et seq.
54. ‘Iraqi’s first visit to Kashmir was in A.H. 882 / A .D. 1477. Bahrastan-i-Shahi, ed. Akbar Haidari, p. 38.
55. Hasan writes that Sultan Husain Mirza, the governor of Khurasan suspected Iraqi’s intentions, and therefore, expelled him from his country. On the basis of his previous contacts, he once again came to Kashmir after a period of twelve years. THK. p. 220.
56. See Tohfatul-Ahbab, MS. ff. 6-8.
57. In Kashmir he became a disciple of Baba Isma’il, and secretly prompted Baba ‘Ah Najjar to accept Shia’ faith. See THK. p. 211.
58. In A.H. 902 /A.D. 1496.
59. TMH. MS. f. 42a. Shrivara records the years as 60. See Rajat of Jonaraja J. C. Dutt (tr.) Delhi, 1986, p. 265. The subtle hint is that he was poisoned by the Sayyids.
60. The sentence has been borrowed from Lawayeh of Jami. But Shrivara gives a very disappointing account of the administration of the Sayyids. See Rajatarangini of Jonaraja, (tr.) J. C. Dutt. Delhi. 1986. pp. 252-253, and 260-61.
61. Apostasy among the Muslims had increased considerably in Kashmir during the reign of Sultan Zainu’l-’Abidin. Stores of re-conversion to Islamic faith have been vividly told in Tohfatu’l-Ahbab, MS. (transcript) ff. 6-8. See also T.HK. p. 207.
62. nim jarrar in the text.
63. This indicates that the history of Kashmir of this period written in Sanskrit also existed and was made use of by the chronicler through a translator or an interpreter. These could be the histories written by Srivara and Suka. Srivara clearly mentions about Mir Hasan’s dream. See J. C. Dutt’s translation, p. 270.
64. This was common during the Hindu period and several examples can be found in Rajatarangini.
65. It is clear that the attack on Mirak Hasan was politically motivated and had little to do with this strict enforcement of the laws of shariat, see p. 95 Supra. The Kashmiri nobles were against the Baihaqi Sayyids because they were still considered as outsiders. However, from the sentence that follows in the text, it appears that Kashmiri commanders were divided on the issue of loyalty to the Sayyids. Hasan says that since the Sultan was still a minor, the Baihaqi Sayyids had concentrated power in their hands and did not allow any other person to exercise authority: they made it even difficult to meet the Sultan. This made the Kashmiri nobles join hands with Raja of Jammu who had earliar fled to Kashmir for fear of Tatar Khan Lodhi, and then they put Sayyid Hasan to death along with his thirty other associates. THK. p. 212.
66. The locality near Sayyid Mansur mosque in Srinagar, which bears the same name to this day.
bi ru-i tu zindeh mi tawan bud wali
in zindaqi az hazar murdan batar ast.
(It is possible to live without seeing your face, but that life is worse than a thousand deaths.)
68. The first boat-bridge ( Navsetu ) on the Vitasta was built as early as the 6th century A.D. by Pravarasena II of Gonanda dynasty at some distance from Maksikasvamin (present-day Maisuma). See Rajat. iii. 354n.
69. The old Surapura. For its geography and remains, see Rajat. p. 394. Note II.
70. Jehangir Magray, who stayed at Lohar Kot fort, did not agree to support the Sayyids. THK. p. 213. In Shrivara’s chronicle he is referred as Margapati. J. C. Dutt. tr. p. 320. et seq.
71. After remaining away from Kashmir, Fath Shah went to Rajauri to re-capture his ancestoral kingdom. Several groups of Kashmiri nobles went to meet him, and he won them over by giving them rewards. But Jehangir Magray was not among them, in fact, he resisted and repulsed Fath Shah’ s troops when they tried to re-enter Kashmir. For more details see THK. pp. 215. et seq. Also see Srivara’s hisrory, tr. J. C. Dutt. pp. 270 et al.
72. Hasan says that before his death he was forced to flee to the mountains. THK. p. 215.
73. Hasan calls him Sarhanq Raina. THK. p. 215. Now the word sarhanq in Persian means an army officer of the rank of a colonel. He is Shringararajanaka of Shrivara’s chronicle Tr. J. C. Dutt. p. 313.
74. Malik Haidar includes another general Malik Nusrat Chadura among the descendants of the Chandas of Chadura. See TMH MS. f. 42b. All the three shared power with Saif Dar.
75. The Chaks of Trehgam (originally of Gilgit) have to be distinguished from another family, of Chaks of Dardu. Lankar Chak (Alamkarcakra) was the founder of the house of Barshal in Dardu. Pandav Chak, Husan Chak and Kaji Chak were the descendants of this line, and they had been admitted to Shia’ faith by Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi. See THK. p. 217.
76. The descendants of Shams Chak were the followers of Hanafi school. They were Sunnis. Ibid.
77. Hasan says that Shams fled to Dardu. See THK. p. 219.
78. Karnav in Hasan. Ibid.
79. Hasan says that Muhammad Shah and Sayyid Muhammad had come to know of their plan of a night-assault, Ibid.
80. Fifty wounds, besides a cut on his ear. Ibid.
81. See note 55 supra.
82. For a fuller account of the numerous presents, such as orchards, gardens, ornaments, costumes, horses, jewellary, gold, etc. given by Malik Musa Raina to Mir Shamsu’dDin ‘Iraqi, see Tohfatu’I-Ahbab. MS. (trans). ff. 35-7. These were utilized by the Mir for the construction of a khanqah at Zadibal. The date of its completion can be found in the chronogram kashf-i-ummatin which is A.H. 902/A.D. 1496. See THK. p. 220.
83. Tohfatu’l-Ahbab gives full details about the differences between the two which made Shams ‘Iraqi to leave Kashmir for Tibet. These are of political and personal nature. The political differences were over Shams ‘Iraqi’s unwanted and high-handed interference in Mir Sayyid Muhammad’s administration, and is illustrated in ‘Iraqi’s brutal treatment of Mantji, a state revenue officer. The personal differences were over ‘Iraqi’s refusal to give his daughter Bibi Agha in marriage to him. For more details, see Toufat. MS. (trans). ff. 62-3 and 69-70. Hasan’s version is that ‘Iraqi was expelled by Sayyid Muhammad because he did not like his activities. See THK. p. 220.
84. Zatni Kuji (?) on Khampore ridge. See THK. p. 220.
85. Kindred refers to those relatives of Sayyid Muhammad who had been slain in the battle of Sopor.
86. Text is not clear.
87. The allusion is probably to the historical records of Srivara or Suka.
88. Hasan is of the view that as a child he hid himself in the house of his foster-mother. See THK. p. 221.
89. Nine verses in all have been recorded. The chronicler says that the verses were sung in Kashmiri language (’be zaban-i Kashmiri’). This has to be differentiated from the phrase ‘be galam-i Kashmiri’, which we have translated as ‘Sanskrit language in Sarada script.’
92. Hasan says that he governed for four months. THK. p. 223.
93. A descendant of the line of Raja of Nagarkot. TMH. MS. f 44b. Could he be the Somachandra of Shuka’s Chronicle. See J. C. Dutt’s translation p. 339.
94. For Damaras (Dangars), see Rajat . Vol . II. p. 304 et seq.
95. The fuller version is: Shamsu’l-haqq wa’d-din. That is ‘the sun of truth and faith.’
96. This might be an allusion to Muhammad Shah.
97. As many as eighteen big temples of Hindus in the city of Srinagar and in the rural areas of the valley were destroyed under the instructions of Mir Shamsu’d-Din ‘Iraqi and Malik Musa Raina. For details see Toufat. MS. (trans). ff. 155-212.
98. The ennobling conversion of infidels to Islamic faith has been described in THK and Tohfat in this manner. Hasan says that twenty-four thousand Hindu families were converted to ‘Iraqi’s faith (of Shia’ism) by force and compulsion (qahran wa jabran). THK. p. 223. It is recorded in Tohfat, that on the instance of Shamsu’d-Din’Iraqi Musa Raina had issued orders that everyday 1,500 to 2,000 infidels be brought to the doorstep of Mir Shamsu’d-Din by his followers. They would remove their sacred thread (zunnar), administer kelima to them, circumcise them and make them eat beef. See Toufat. MS. (trans). f. 157. For a graphic description of forcible circumcision on Idgah grounds, see the same work ff. 190-91.
99. Since the reign of Sultan Sikandar, no ruler in Kashmir worked as much for the propagation of Islamic faith as Malik Musa. TMH. MS. f. 45a. Hasan says that he repressed Sunni nobles also. Some of them were expelled to evoke fear among people. THK. p. 223.