Encyclopedia of Contemporary World History
Sartre, Zionism and the State of Israel: The Philosophy of Jewish National Independence
The Birth of Israel
Jean-Paul Sartre’s understanding of the Jewish state developed out of his analysis of antisemitism, Jewish identity, existential freedom, and the historical condition of European Jewry. His position cannot be separated from Réflexions sur la question juive (Anti-Semite and Jew), published in Paris in 1946, or from his subsequent essay “The Birth of Israel” (La Naissance d’Israël), published in 1949. The connection between these works is fundamental: Sartre moved from an analysis of the Jew as a person placed within a hostile European situation toward the political question of whether Jewish existence could become an existence of collective sovereignty. The State of Israel consequently appeared to him not simply as another national state but as a profound alteration of the historical situation in which Jews had previously existed.
Sartre’s starting point was the proposition that antisemitism creates a social category of the Jew. In Anti-Semite and Jew, Sartre wrote that the Jew is one whom other people regard as a Jew and famously argued that “it is the anti-Semite who makes the Jew.” The proposition was not intended to deny that Jewish history existed before modern antisemitism; rather, Sartre was examining the particular structure of Jewish existence within modern European society. The anti-Semite attempted to transform a human being into a fixed identity, attributing to Jews an immutable character and then using that invented character to justify exclusion. The French National Library records the central thesis of the 1946 work as the controversial proposition that the Jew is socially constituted through the anti-Semite’s gaze.
The importance of this argument for the Jewish state becomes clearer through Sartre’s distinction between the Anti-Semite, the Democrat, the Inauthentic Jew and the Authentic Jew. The anti-Semite sought escape from freedom through hatred and fixed categories. The liberal Democrat, although apparently defending Jews, could make another mistake: by insisting that he saw only “the human being” and not the Jew, he could erase the concrete historical situation of Jewish existence. The Inauthentic Jew attempted to escape that situation through assimilation, denying or concealing Jewish identity in the hope that society would permit him to become simply French, European or universally human. Sartre’s Authentic Jew, by contrast, confronted the situation imposed upon him and refused to flee from it. The authenticity involved an existential act of accepting one’s concrete situation rather than pretending that the hostile social reality did not exist. Sartre devoted a substantial portion of Anti-Semite and Jew to this problem of authentic and inauthentic choice.
This produces the central philosophical movement from individual authenticity to collective sovereignty. Sartre’s concept of the situation meant that freedom never operated in an abstract vacuum. Human beings inherited circumstances—history, society, body, class, nationality and the judgments imposed upon them—but retained the capacity to act within those circumstances. European Jews, in Sartre’s analysis, occupied a particularly severe situation because their identity was repeatedly imposed upon them by the surrounding society. The Jew could therefore not simply declare himself free of Jewish identity when the anti-Semite was determined to define him as Jewish. The problem was not merely psychological; it was political.
The existence of a Jewish state radically altered that situation. A sovereign Jewish state meant that Jews would no longer exist exclusively as a minority whose security depended upon the tolerance of another political majority. They could become a collective historical subject, possessing institutions, territory, political authority and the capacity for self-defence. The significance of Israel in Sartre’s thought therefore lies in the transformation from Jewish vulnerability to Jewish political agency. Sovereignty changed the relationship between the Jew and the hostile world. The Jew was no longer required merely to endure the identity imposed upon him; Jewish collective existence could become an active political reality.
This explains the significance of the establishment of Israel on 14 May 1948, when David Ben-Gurion proclaimed the establishment of the State of Israel in Tel Aviv at the termination of the British Mandate. Sartre’s subsequent 1949 essay, “The Birth of Israel,” interpreted the event within the longer history of Jewish persecution and struggle. He described the creation of the state as the “crowning of their sufferings and their heroic struggle.” He further argued that “no social evolution can avoid the stage of national independence” and maintained that an autonomous Israeli state had legitimised the hopes and struggles of Jews throughout the world. This was the political extension of the problem he had analysed philosophically in 1946: a people historically exposed to persecution had acquired a political structure through which it could act for itself.
Sartre’s position consequently contained a significant distinction between Jewish identity and Jewish sovereignty. Jewish authenticity did not simply mean religious observance or cultural attachment. Within Sartre’s existential framework, authenticity meant refusing to deny the concrete historical situation. A sovereign Jewish state could therefore be understood as the collective political form of a demand that had previously existed principally as an individual existential struggle. What had been the isolated individual’s refusal to surrender himself to the anti-Semite could, under conditions of national independence, become the collective capacity of a people to determine its own political existence.
This also explains Sartre’s criticism of a purely abstract universalism. The liberal who claimed that he saw “only the human being” appeared to be defending equality, but Sartre believed that such universalism could conceal the actual historical inequalities experienced by Jews. Equality required recognition of concrete circumstances. For Sartre, the Jewish state represented one possible answer to precisely that problem: Jewish people could participate in universal humanity without first having to erase their particular historical identity.
Yet Sartre’s conception of Jewish sovereignty did not lead him toward an uncritical acceptance of every aspect of Israeli policy. His later political development produced an increasingly difficult tension between support for Jewish national independence and his opposition to colonial domination. Sartre had become one of the most prominent French intellectual opponents of French colonialism in Algeria. His support for Algerian independence made the Arab-Israeli conflict particularly difficult for him because the language of anti-colonialism increasingly encouraged sections of the international left to interpret Zionism and Israel through the category of European colonialism. Sartre resisted a simple equivalence. For him, the history of Jewish migration to Palestine could not be understood solely through the conventional structure of European imperial expansion because European antisemitism and the destruction of European Jewry formed an essential part of the Jewish historical situation.
At the same time, the Palestinian experience increasingly confronted Sartre with the limits of an exclusively Jewish-centred interpretation. The establishment of Israel in 1948 was accompanied by the displacement and flight of a large Palestinian Arab population, creating the Palestinian refugee question that became central to Arab political consciousness. Sartre’s later engagement therefore increasingly involved two historical claims: the legitimacy of Jewish national existence and the national and human claims of Palestinians. His intellectual difficulty was precisely that he did not regard the suffering of one people as sufficient reason to deny the historical existence or political rights of the other.
The development became particularly visible in 1967. In February–March 1967, Sartre travelled to the Middle East with Simone de Beauvoir and Claude Lanzmann, visiting Egypt, Gaza and Israel. In Gaza he encountered Palestinian refugees and observed their extremely difficult living conditions. In Israel he visited a kibbutz, met Israeli political and intellectual figures, and spoke about the fundamentally different conditions that each side regarded as necessary for peace. Contemporary accounts record Sartre’s formulation that Israel required recognition of its existence and sovereignty, while the Arab position centred upon the return of Palestinian refugees.
The visit revealed the unresolved contradiction at the centre of Sartre’s position. In Israel, he could see the existential significance of a society in which Jewish identity no longer automatically functioned as a stigma. During his Israeli press conference, he stated that Israel was the only country in the world where one could call someone Jewish without being called an anti-Semite, a formulation that directly connected the political existence of Israel with the transformation of the Jewish social situation that had concerned him in Anti-Semite and Jew.
His interest in the kibbutz added another dimension. Sartre was attracted to the collective agricultural communities because they appeared to combine national reconstruction with forms of socialist organisation, collective labour and communal property. Israel could therefore appear to Sartre not merely as a national refuge but, at least in certain of its institutions, as a social experiment in which national independence and socialist aspirations had been joined.
But Gaza forced the other side of the historical equation upon him. The Palestinian refugee could not simply be treated as an external inconvenience to the Jewish national project. If Sartre’s existentialism demanded recognition of people as historical subjects, Palestinians too had to be understood as a people whose political existence could not be reduced to an obstacle to Israeli security. The problem of Israel consequently became, for Sartre, a problem of two national subjectivities occupying the same historical field.
The most extraordinary institutional expression of this attempt was the special issue of Les Temps Modernes, edited by Sartre and published in Paris in 1967 as Le conflit israélo-arabe. The volume contained approximately 991–992 pages and was constructed as an enormous dossier of Arab and Israeli positions. A contemporary scholarly review records 45 articles and four appendices, while other bibliographical records give 991 or 992 pages. The issue was deliberately conceived as a confrontation of historical arguments rather than as a short editorial declaration. Its Arab and Israeli sections placed writers from both sides before the French and European left.
Sartre’s method here is important. He did not attempt to solve the conflict by declaring one historical memory legitimate and the other illegitimate. His editorial approach was to allow the opposing sides to articulate their own conditions and arguments. This was consistent with his conviction that the conflict had to be understood from within the situations experienced by the people who actually inhabited it. The problem was that the two sides often began from premises that were almost impossible to reconcile. For Israelis, recognition of Israel and Jewish security were fundamental; for Arabs and Palestinians, displacement and the refugee question could not be treated as secondary. Sartre’s own 1967 visit had already demonstrated the incompatibility of these premises.
The Six-Day War of June 1967 made the contradiction still sharper. Israel’s victory and the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, together with the other territories captured during the war, changed the political circumstances in which Sartre had previously discussed Israel. The question was no longer only whether Jews had the right to possess a sovereign state after the catastrophe of European antisemitism. It was now also whether the exercise of Israeli military power could be reconciled with the freedom and national rights of Palestinians.
Sartre consequently occupies an unusual position in the history of twentieth-century thought. He was simultaneously a defender of Jewish political existence, an opponent of antisemitism, a supporter of national liberation, a critic of colonial domination, an admirer of aspects of Israeli socialist society, and increasingly a participant in attempts to make the Palestinian experience visible to the European left. His position was never entirely comfortable within either the pro-Israel or anti-Israel intellectual camps.
The deepest structure of his argument can therefore be expressed as a sequence: antisemitism produces a hostile situation; authenticity requires confronting that situation; collective freedom requires political agency; Jewish sovereignty creates such agency; Israel therefore possesses historical legitimacy; but the freedom of one people cannot logically extinguish the freedom of another; consequently, Palestinian national existence must also enter the field of political justice. This is the philosophical continuity connecting Anti-Semite and Jew, The Birth of Israel, Sartre’s 1967 Middle Eastern journey and the Les Temps Modernes dossier.
Sartre’s conception of Israel was thus neither merely theological nor merely geopolitical. It emerged from his fundamental existential proposition that human beings must become agents of their own history. The Jewish state, in his understanding, represented the historical reversal of a condition in which Jews had too often been objects of definition, exclusion and persecution. Israel converted Jewish political existence from a precarious minority condition into sovereign national agency. But the Palestinian question exposed the moral limit of treating sovereignty as an absolute solution: the political emancipation of one historical community could not, by Sartre’s own existential logic, justify rendering another community politically invisible.
This is why Sartre’s position remained internally tense until the end. His defence of Israel’s existence arose from his confrontation with European antisemitism and Jewish vulnerability; his concern for Palestinians arose from the same broader principle of human freedom that had led him to oppose colonialism elsewhere. The central problem was therefore not whether Jews or Palestinians possessed a right to historical existence. It was whether Jewish sovereignty and Palestinian national freedom could be brought into a political relationship in which neither required the destruction or permanent subordination of the other. Sartre’s later advocacy of dialogue was an attempt to address this contradiction precisely. His importance in the intellectual history of Israel therefore lies not in providing a simple verdict on Zionism, but in showing how the problem of Jewish emancipation became inseparable from the problem of Palestinian dispossession, national sovereignty and coexistence.
I have always wanted the Jewish problem to find a definitive solution within the framework of humanity, and still do, but since no social evolution can avoid the stage of national independence, we must rejoice that an autonomous Israeli state has legitimated the hopes and combats of Jews throughout the world.
And since the Jewish problem is a particularly alarming expression of the contradictions tearing at contemporary society, the formation of the Palestinian state must be considered one of the most important events of our era, one of the few that allows us today to preserve hope. For the Jews, it is the crowning of their sufferings and their heroic struggle; for all of us it signifies a concrete progress towards a humanity where man will be the future of man”.
Source: Michel Contat and Michel Rybalka, Les Écrits de Sartre. Parsi, Gallimard, 1970. Originally in “Hillel” no. 7, June 1949
Sarvarthapedia Conceptual Node: Jean-Paul Sartre and the Jewish Question
Core Concept: Jean-Paul Sartre
- Jean-Paul Sartre
- → Existentialism
- → Freedom and Responsibility
- → Situation and Facticity
- → Authenticity
- → Bad Faith
- → Antisemitism
- → Jewish Identity
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → State of Israel
- → Palestinian National Question
- → Anti-Colonialism
- → National Liberation
- → Socialism and the Kibbutz
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
- → Dialogue and Coexistence
Jewish Question and Existentialism
Antisemitism
- Antisemitism
- → Anti-Semite and Jew (1946)
- → The Anti-Semite
- → Jewish Identity
- → Otherness
- → Social Construction of Identity
- → European Antisemitism
- → Nazi Persecution
- → Holocaust
- → Jewish Refugees
- → Jewish Political Sovereignty
“The Anti-Semite Makes the Jew”
- The Anti-Semite Makes the Jew
- → Hostile Gaze
- → Otherness
- → Social Identity
- → Jewish Situation
- → Existential Situation
- → Facticity
- → Authenticity
- → Resistance to Antisemitism
- → Jewish Self-Definition
- → Collective Political Agency
Situation and Facticity
- Situation
- → Existential Freedom
- → Facticity
- → Historical Circumstances
- → European Jewish Experience
- → Antisemitic Society
- → Minority Status
- → Political Power
- → National Independence
- Facticity
- → Inherited Historical Condition
- → Jewish Historical Experience
- → Persecution
- → Choice
- → Authenticity
- → Freedom Within Historical Circumstances
The Four Sartrean Figures
The Anti-Semite
- The Anti-Semite
- → Hatred
- → Prejudice
- → Fixed Identity
- → Scapegoating
- → Flight from Freedom
- → Bad Faith
- → European Antisemitism
- → Political Exclusion
The Democrat
- The Democrat
- → Liberal Universalism
- → Abstract Humanity
- → Assimilation
- → Erasure of Particular Identity
- → Universalism versus Particularism
- → Jewish Historical Specificity
The Inauthentic Jew
- The Inauthentic Jew
- → Assimilation
- → Self-Denial
- → Flight from Jewish Identity
- → Bad Faith
- → Abstract Universalism
- → Fear of Antisemitism
- → European Minority Condition
The Authentic Jew
- The Authentic Jew
- → Authenticity
- → Acceptance of Situation
- → Jewish Self-Recognition
- → Resistance to Antisemitism
- → Existential Choice
- → Dignity
- → Collective Identity
- → Jewish National Consciousness
- → Jewish Sovereignty
Authenticity and Jewish Sovereignty
Authenticity
- Authenticity
- → Freedom
- → Choice
- → Responsibility
- → Situation
- → Facticity
- → Jewish Identity
- → Resistance
- → Political Agency
From Individual Authenticity to Collective Sovereignty
- Individual Authenticity
- → Acceptance of Jewish Situation
- → Jewish Self-Definition
- → Collective Identity
- → National Consciousness
- → Political Agency
- → National Independence
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → State of Israel
- Jewish Sovereignty
- → Political Self-Determination
- → National Independence
- → Collective Security
- → Jewish State
- → Israeli Statehood
- → Jewish Historical Agency
- → Post-Holocaust Political Order
Anti-Semite and Jew (1946)
Philosophical Foundation
- Anti-Semite and Jew
- → Antisemitism
- → Jewish Identity
- → Authenticity
- → Bad Faith
- → Freedom
- → Situation
- → Facticity
- → Universalism
- → Particularism
- → Jewish Political Existence
- → Birth of Israel
From 1946 to 1948
- Anti-Semite and Jew (1946)
- → European Antisemitism
- → Postwar France
- → Holocaust
- → Jewish Displacement
- → Jewish Refugees
- → Jewish National Independence
- → Zionism
- → State of Israel (1948)
The Birth of Israel
The Birth of Israel (1949)
- The Birth of Israel
- → State of Israel
- → Jewish National Independence
- → Jewish Historical Suffering
- → Jewish Struggle
- → National Self-Determination
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Zionism
- → Palestinian Question
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
“Crowning of Their Sufferings”
- “Crowning of Their Sufferings and Their Heroic Struggle”
- → Holocaust
- → European Antisemitism
- → Jewish Persecution
- → Jewish Resistance
- → Jewish National Independence
- → State of Israel
- → Historical Justice
National Independence
- National Independence
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Political Agency
- → National Self-Determination
- → Decolonisation
- → National Liberation
- → Israel
- → Palestinian National Rights
State of Israel
Creation of Israel in 1948
- State of Israel
- → 14 May 1948
- → Tel Aviv
- → British Mandate for Palestine
- → Zionist Movement
- → Jewish National Home
- → 1948 Arab-Israeli War
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Palestinian Refugees
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
Israel as Existential Transformation
- Israel as Jewish Sovereignty
- → Minority to Political Majority
- → Vulnerability to State Power
- → Persecution to Self-Defence
- → Diaspora to Sovereignty
- → Object of History to Subject of History
- → Jewish Security
- → National Independence
Universalism and Particularism
Abstract Universalism
- Abstract Universalism
- → “Only the Human Being”
- → Liberal Democrat
- → Assimilation
- → Suppression of Difference
- → Critique of Liberal Universalism
Particular Historical Identity
- Particular Identity
- → Jewish History
- → Jewish Collective Memory
- → Antisemitism
- → National Identity
- → Political Recognition
- → Jewish Sovereignty
Universalism versus Particularism
- Universalism versus Particularism
- → Human Equality
- → Jewish Particularity
- → National Identity
- → Assimilation
- → Self-Determination
- → Universal Human Rights
Zionism and Sartre
Zionism
- Zionism
- → Jewish National Movement
- → Jewish National Home
- → Jewish Immigration to Palestine
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → State of Israel
- → European Antisemitism
- → Holocaust
- → Palestinian National Movement
Sartre and Zionism
- Sartre and Zionism
- → Jewish Survival
- → National Independence
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Anti-Colonialism
- → Socialism
- → Kibbutz Movement
- → Palestinian Question
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
Sartre and Anti-Colonialism
Anti-Colonialism
- Anti-Colonialism
- → Algerian War
- → Algerian Independence
- → National Liberation
- → Third World Movements
- → Palestinian National Rights
- → Sartre’s Political Engagement
The Zionist Exception
- Jewish National Movement versus European Colonialism
- → European Imperialism
- → Jewish Refugees
- → European Antisemitism
- → Holocaust
- → Zionism
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Sartre’s Anti-Colonial Dilemma
Israel and Socialist Experiment
Kibbutz
- Kibbutz Movement
- → Collective Agriculture
- → Socialism
- → Communal Property
- → Collective Labour
- → Israeli Nation-Building
- → Sartre’s Socialist Interests
Israel and Socialism
- Israeli Socialist Experiment
- → Kibbutzim
- → Collective Organisation
- → Labour Movement
- → National Liberation
- → Socialist Zionism
- → Sartre’s Marxist Period
Sartre and the Palestinian Question
Palestinian National Existence
- Palestinian National Question
- → Palestinian Arabs
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Palestinian Refugees
- → Gaza
- → West Bank
- → Palestinian National Rights
- → Self-Determination
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
Jewish Sovereignty and Palestinian Rights
- Jewish Sovereignty and Palestinian Rights
- → Two National Movements
- → Competing Historical Narratives
- → National Self-Determination
- → Territorial Conflict
- → Refugee Question
- → Israeli Security
- → Palestinian Freedom
- → Coexistence
Sartre in 1967
Six-Day War
- Six-Day War (1967)
- → Israel
- → Egypt
- → Jordan
- → Syria
- → West Bank
- → Gaza Strip
- → Israeli Military Occupation
- → Palestinian Question
- → Sartre’s Political Reassessment
Sartre’s 1967 Middle Eastern Journey
- Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir in the Middle East
- → Egypt
- → Israel
- → Gaza
- → Palestinian Refugees
- → Israeli Society
- → Kibbutzim
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
- → Dialogue
Les Temps Modernes and the Arab-Israeli Conflict
Les Temps Modernes
- Les Temps Modernes
- → Jean-Paul Sartre
- → French Intellectual Left
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
- → 1967 Special Issue
- → Israeli Intellectuals
- → Arab Intellectuals
- → Palestinian Question
- → Historical Narratives
1967 Special Issue
- Les Temps Modernes: Arab-Israeli Conflict Issue
- → Israeli Arguments
- → Arab Arguments
- → Palestinian Claims
- → Zionism
- → Arab Nationalism
- → National Independence
- → Colonialism
- → Dialogue
- → Coexistence
Sartre and Arab Intellectuals
Arab Intellectual Relations
- Sartre and Arab Intellectuals
- → Anti-Colonialism
- → Algerian Independence
- → Arab Nationalism
- → Palestinian Question
- → Israel
- → Zionism
- → Intellectual Disagreement
- → Loutfi el-Kholy
The Arab-Israeli Intellectual Divide
- Intellectual Divide
- → European Guilt
- → Holocaust
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Colonialism
- → National Liberation
- → Third World Politics
Sartre’s Central Contradiction
Jewish Emancipation versus Palestinian Dispossession
- Jewish Emancipation
- → End of Minority Vulnerability
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Israeli State
- → Collective Security
- Palestinian Dispossession
- → 1948 Displacement
- → Refugee Question
- → Loss of Political Sovereignty
- → Palestinian Nationalism
- → National Self-Determination
- The Central Contradiction
- → Jewish National Independence
- → Palestinian National Rights
- → Israeli Security
- → Palestinian Freedom
- → Two Historical Narratives
- → Coexistence
Dialogue and Coexistence
Sartre’s Dialogue Principle
- Dialogue
- → Israeli–Arab Dialogue
- → Recognition
- → Competing Historical Memories
- → Political Negotiation
- → Mutual Security
- → Palestinian National Rights
- → Israeli Sovereignty
- → Peace
Coexistence
- Coexistence
- → Jewish National Existence
- → Palestinian National Existence
- → Mutual Recognition
- → National Self-Determination
- → Security
- → Political Dialogue
- → End of Permanent Conflict
Intellectual Criticism of Sartre
Hannah Arendt
- Hannah Arendt
- → Antisemitism
- → Origins of Totalitarianism
- → Jewish Political History
- → Conscious Pariah
- → Critique of Scapegoat Theory
- → Critique of Sartre
- → Jewish Historical Agency
Emmanuel Levinas
- Emmanuel Levinas
- → Jewish Ethics
- → Torah
- → Jewish Tradition
- → Ethical Responsibility
- → The Other
- → Critique of Sartre
- → Positive Jewish Identity
Sartre–Arendt–Levinas
- Sartre
- → Existential Authenticity
- → Anti-Semite’s Gaze
- → Political Freedom
- Arendt
- → Historical Consciousness
- → Political Agency
- → Conscious Pariah
- Levinas
- → Ethical Responsibility
- → Jewish Tradition
- → The Other
- Three-Way Debate
- → What Constitutes Jewish Identity?
- → History versus Existential Situation
- → Political Agency
- → Ethical Responsibility
- → Jewish Sovereignty
Sarvarthapedia Master Cross-Reference Network
Central Node
- Jean-Paul Sartre
- → Existentialism
- → Jewish Question
- → Anti-Semite and Jew
- → Authentic Jew
- → Antisemitism
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → The Birth of Israel
- → Zionism
- → State of Israel
- → Palestinian Question
- → Anti-Colonialism
- → Algerian War
- → Kibbutz
- → Six-Day War
- → Les Temps Modernes
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
- → Israeli–Arab Dialogue
Historical Chain
- European Antisemitism
- → Nazi Persecution
- → Holocaust
- → Jewish Refugees
- → Zionism
- → Jewish National Independence
- → State of Israel (1948)
- → 1948 Arab-Israeli War
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Palestinian Refugee Question
- → Six-Day War (1967)
- → Israeli Occupation
- → Palestinian National Question
- → Dialogue and Coexistence
Philosophical Chain
- Antisemitism
- → Otherness
- → Hostile Gaze
- → Situation
- → Facticity
- → Choice
- → Authenticity
- → Authentic Jew
- → Collective Agency
- → National Independence
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → State of Israel
Political Chain
- Jewish Sovereignty
- → Israeli State
- → Israeli Security
- → Zionism
- → Palestinian Question
- → Palestinian National Rights
- → Arab-Israeli Conflict
- → Israeli–Arab Dialogue
- → Coexistence
Comparative Civilizational Cluster
- Jewish Question
- → Antisemitism
- → Holocaust
- → Jewish Diaspora
- → Zionism
- → Jewish Sovereignty
- → Israel
- Palestinian Question
- → Palestinian Nationalism
- → Palestinian Displacement
- → Palestinian Refugees
- → Gaza
- → West Bank
- → Palestinian Self-Determination
- National Liberation
- → Zionism
- → Algerian Nationalism
- → Palestinian Nationalism
- → Anti-Colonialism
- → Self-Determination
- Existentialism
- → Freedom
- → Choice
- → Responsibility
- → Situation
- → Authenticity
- → Political Agency
Recommended “See Also” Architecture
Direct Links
- Jean-Paul Sartre
- Anti-Semite and Jew
- The Birth of Israel
- Jewish Question
- Antisemitism
- Authenticity
- Existentialism
- Zionism
- State of Israel
- Jewish Sovereignty
- Palestinian Question
- Palestinian Nationalism
- 1948 Arab-Israeli War
- Six-Day War
- Israeli–Arab Conflict
- Kibbutz Movement
- Les Temps Modernes
- Arab-Israeli Dialogue
Philosophical Links
- Freedom
- Facticity
- Situation
- Bad Faith
- Otherness
- Universalism and Particularism
- Existential Ethics
- Political Agency
Comparative Thinkers
- Hannah Arendt
- Emmanuel Levinas
- Simone de Beauvoir
- Albert Camus
- Frantz Fanon
Wider Civilizational Links
- Jewish Diaspora
- European Nationalism
- National Self-Determination
- National Liberation Movements
- Colonialism
- Anti-Colonialism
- Holocaust
- Refugee History
- Middle Eastern Political History
- History of Israel
- History of Palestine
- Arab Nationalism
- Socialist Zionism
- 20th-Century Political Philosophy
