সাহিত্যে আর্ট ও দুর্নীতি-Sahitye Art o durniti- Saratchandra Chatterjee

সাহিত্যে আর্ট ও দুর্নীতি

১৩৩১ সাল

আমি জানি, সাহিত্য-শাখার সভাপতি হবার যোগ্য আমি নই, এবং আমারই মত যাঁরা প্রাচীন, আমারই মত যাঁদের মাথার চুল এবং বুদ্ধি দুই-ই পেকে সাদা হয়ে উঠেছে তাঁদেরও এ বিষয়ে লেশমাত্র সংশয় নেই। কারো মনে ব্যথা দেবার আমার ইচ্ছা ছিল না, তবুও যে এই পদ গ্রহণে সম্মত হয়েছিলাম, তার একটি মাত্র কারণ এই যে, নিজের অযোগ্যতা ও ভক্তিভাজনগণের মনঃপীড়া, এত বড় বড় দু’টো ব্যপারকে ছাপিয়েও তখন বারংবার এই কথাটাই আমার মনে হয়েছিল যে, এই অপ্রত্যাশিত মনোনয়নের দ্বারা নবীনের দল আজ জয়যুক্ত হয়েছেন। তাঁদের সবুজ-পতাকার আহ্বান আমাকে মানতেই হবে, ফল তার যাই কেন না হউক। আর এ প্রার্থনাও সর্বান্তঃকরণে করি, আজ থেকে যাত্রা-পথ যেন তাঁদের উত্তরোত্তর সুগম এবং সাফল্যমণ্ডিত হয়।

ষোল বৎসর পূর্বে বাঙ্গালার সাহিত্যিকগণের বার্ষিক সম্মিলনের আয়োজন যখন প্রথম আরব্ধ হয়, আমি তখন বিদেশে। তারও বহুদিন পর পর্যন্তও আমি কল্পনাও করিনি যে, সাহিত্য-সেবাই একদিন আমার পেশা হয়ে উঠবে। প্রায় বছর-দশেক পূর্বে কয়েকজন তরুণ সাহিত্যিকের আগ্রহ ও একান্ত চেষ্টার ফলেই আমি সাহিত্যক্ষেত্রে প্রবিষ্ট হয়ে পড়ি।

বাঙ্গালার সাহিত্য-সাধনার ইতিহাসে এই বছর-দশেকের ঘটনাই আমি জানি। সুতরাং এ বিষয়ে বলতেই যদি কিছু হয়, ত এই স্বল্প কয়টা বছরের কথাই শুধু বলতে পারি।

মাস-কয়েক পূর্বে পূজ্যপাদ রবীন্দ্রনাথ আমাকে বলেছিলেন, এবারে যদি তোমার লক্ষ্ণৌ সাহিত্য-সম্মিলনে যাওয়া হয়, ত অভিভাষণের বদলে তুমি একটা গল্প লিখে নিয়ে যেও। অভিভাষণের পরিবর্তে গল্প! আমি একটু বিস্মিত হয়ে কারণ জিজ্ঞাসা করায় তিনি শুধু উত্তর দিয়েছিলেন, সে ঢের ভাল।

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Is every good person suitable for management?

Speech by Ayatollah Khamenei

Before starting his Dars-Kharij-Fiqh (higher Islamic studies) lecture this morning, December 1, 2019, Imam Khamenei, the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, elaborated on a tradition from the Prophet (Peace Be Upon Him) in giving advice to the honourable Abu Dhar. In criticizing the hasty registration of some people for the Parliamentary (Islamic Consultative Assembly) elections, he stated, “Every position and every ability brings responsibility and commitment. You should see if you can fulfil that commitment, or not. This is a great lesson.” .

Abu Dhar (Peace Be Upon Him) said that the Prophet (May Allah Bless Him and His Household) told him, “I like for you, whatever I like for myself. I see you to be weak. Avoid being the leader for even two people, and avoid taking responsibility for an orphan’s wealth.”

Abu Dhar himself cites this advice from the Prophet (PBUH) to him. It is a lesson for us too, a great lesson. The Prophet told him, “I like for you whatever I like for myself.” This means that what I want to tell you comes from total love because one totally loves himself. So what does the Prophet want to tell Abu Dhar?I find you incompetent in management. You are a very good person, striving for the cause of God, forthright, and the most truthful person on earth. Despite all of this, you are a weak man.

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TWO LECTURES ON POPULATION: BY NASSAU WILLIAM SENIOR on the theory of Thomas Malthus 1828

LECTURE- I: POPULATION.

In the present and the following Lecture I propose to consider the subject of Population. A subject of which the details are almost endless, but the general principles few and plain. It is indebted probably to the latter circumstance for the degree in which it has attracted the public attention. The doctrines of rent, of value, and of money, are each as important as that of population, but they require the use of highly abstract terms, and depend on long chains of reasoning. They have, therefore, been avoided or neglected by many who are familiar, or suppose themselves to be familiar,  with the simple laws of population. In my introductory Lecture I sketched what appeared to me an outline of those laws in the following proposition:

“That the population of a given district is limited only by moral or physical evil, or by deficiency in the means of obtaining those articles of wealth; or, in other words, those necessaries, decencies, and luxuries, which the habits of the individuals of each class of the inhabitants of that district lead them to require.”

The only modification which subsequent reflection induces me to apply to this proposition is, to substitute for the word “deficiency,” the words, “the apprehension of a deficiency.” My reasons for this substitution are: first, that the actual deficiency of necessaries is a branch of physical evil; and, secondly, that it is not the existence of a deficiency, but the fear of its existence which is the principal check to population, so far as necessaries are concerned, and the sole check as respects decencies and luxuries.

But before I take this proposition in detail,  I feel that I ought to explain, as precisely as I can, what I mean by the words, necessaries, decencies, and luxuries; terms which have been used ever since the moral sciences first attracted attention in this country, but have never, within my knowledge, been defined.

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Daniel Webster on the Draft-1814

Speech of Daniel Webster

[The House had under consideration a bill proposing to draft men for service in the War of 1812.]

MR. Webster. Mr. Chairman: After the best reflection which I have been able to bestow on the subject of the bill before you, I am of the opinion that its principles are not warranted by any provision of the constitution. It appears to me to partake of the nature of those other propositions for military measures, which this session, so fertile in invention, has produced. It is of the same class with the plan of the Secretary of War; with the bill reported to this House by its own committee, for filling the ranks of the Regular Army by classifying the male population of the United States; with the resolution recently introduced by an honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Ingersoll, and which now lies on your table, carrying the principle of compulsory service in the Regular Army to its utmost extent.

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Farewell speech of Emperor Dhritarastra to the denizens of Kuru

“Dhritarashtra said:

‘Santanu duly ruled this Earth. Similarly, Vichitraviryya also, protected by Bhishma, ruled you. Without doubt, all this is known to you. It is also known to you how Pandu, my brother, was dear to me as also to you. He also ruled you duly. Ye sinless ones, I have also served you. Whether those services have come up to the mark or fallen short of it, it behoveth you to forgive me, for I have attended to my duties without heedlessness.

Duryodhana also enjoyed this kingdom without a thorn in his side. Foolish as he was and endued with wicked understanding, he did not, however, do any wrong to you. Through the fault, however, of that prince of wicked understanding, and through his pride, as also through my own impolicy, a great carnage has taken place of persons of the royal order.

Whether I have, in that matter, acted rightly or wrongly, I pray you with joined hands to dispel all remembrance of it from your hearts–This one is old; this one has lost all his children; this one is afflicted with grief; this one was your king; –this one is a descendant of former kings;–considerations like these should induce you to forgive me.

This Gandhari also is cheerless and old. She too has lost her children and is helpless. Afflicted with grief for the loss of her sops, she solicits you with me. Knowing that both of us are old and afflicted and destitute of children, grant us the permission we seek. Blessed be you, we seek your protection.

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ADDRESS TO PROVISIONAL PARLIAMENT by President of India — Dr. Rajendra Prasad—31 JANUARY 1950

Session — First Session
President of India — Dr. Rajendra Prasad
Prime Minister of India — Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru
Speaker, Provisional Parliament — Shri G.V. Mavalankar

MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT,

As I stand here today to greet you, representatives of the people of India, my mind is filled with emotion, and the recent past of India, with its travail and struggle, passes before my eyes. We meet in this sovereign Parliament of the Republic of India, and the high enterprise of serving our motherland and the millions of our countrymen has been entrusted to us, That is an immense and sacred trust and, as your President, I approach it with humility and prayer.

On this historic occasion our thoughts naturally turn to Mahatma Gandhi and our hearts pay homage to him. Let us accept our great task in the spirit of the Father of the Nation, who brought us our freedom, and let us remember always the message that he gave us, the message of unity and goodwill between all the people of India, of communal harmony, of the abolition of class distinctions and of those based on birth, caste or religion, and the evolution of a peaceful, cooperative India, which gives opportunities of progress to all her citizens.

It is the firm policy of my Government to maintain peace and friendship with all the nations of the world and to help in every way possible in the maintenance of world peace. The Republic of India inherits no enmities or traditional rivalries with other nations and my Government intend continuing a policy directed towards securing peace in the world and avoiding any alignment which leads to hostilities with any nation.

India is a sovereign democratic Republic, but she has decided to continue her association with the Commonwealth of Nations. That is a unique development, new to constitutional law and history. Thereby we do not limit our freedom in any way, but we indicate our desire for continued friendship and co-operation with the group of nations represented in the Commonwealth. My Prime Minister recently attended the Conference of Commonwealth Foreign Ministers held in Colombo. That conference was an example of how independent nations can meet together and discuss, in a friendly way, the great problems that face the world and endeavour to find common ways of action, without in any way infringing the independence and sovereignty of one another.

Our relations with foreign powers are friendly and my Government have exchanged diplomatic representation with a very large number of countries. Treaties of friendship have been concluded with Switzerland, a country with a great tradition of democratic freedom, and with Afghanistan with whom we have been bound by cultural and historical ties since the dawn of history. Negotiations have been proceeding for treaties of friendship and commerce with Iran, Nepal and the United States of America. As you are aware, my Prime Minister visited this great country recently and his visit led to a greater understanding and respect and closer ties between India and the United States.

My Government have recently accorded de Jure recognition to the new Government of China and it is hoped that an exchange of diplomatic representatives will take place soon. With this great country we have had friendship and cultural contacts for more than two thousand years. I trust that those friendly contacts will be maintained and will help in preserving the peace of Asia and the world.

With the nations of Europe, America and Australasia, India is developing friendly contacts. It is natural that India should be even more interested in the mother-continent of Asia, of which she is a part, as well as in Africa. Her primary interest is in the freedom of peoples still subject and in the removal of all barriers that come in the way of the full development of nations and peoples. She is entirely opposed to the continuation of colonial rule, in any shape or form, as well as to any kind of racial discrimination. In Asia freedom is on the march; at the same time there is trouble and turmoil in some parts of it. I earnestly trust that out of this turmoil will emerge peace and freedom and co-operative relations between all the countries of Asia.

An historic event took place recently in the establishment of the free and independent United States of Indonesia. We have welcomed this more particularly because of the very close relations, both in the past and in the present, between the people of India and the people of Indonesia. It has been an honour and privilege for us to welcome the President of the United States of Indonesia in our midst and to convey to him and to his people our greetings and good wishes.

India has large numbers of her children living in countries abroad, notably in Africa, in Fiji, in the West Indies, in the island of Mauritius and elsewhere. Our advice to them has always been that they should identify themselves with the indigenous people and look upon the country of adoption as their real home.

I regret to say that our relations with our neighbour country, Pakistan, are not as good as they should be and there are several matters in dispute between us. Our history and culture; as well as the unalterable facts of geography, compel both India and Pakistan to live in friendly co-operation with each other. But the grievous wound caused by recent events will take some time to heal. It is my Government’s policy to endeavour to help in every way this process of healing. In pursuance of this policy, my Government have proposed to the Government of Pakistan that both the Governments should make a solemn declaration for the avoidance of war as a method for the settlement of any disputes between them, and to resort to negotiation, mediation, arbitration or reference to some international tribunal, in order to settle such disputes. I trust that the Pakistan Government will accept this offer in the spirit in which it has been made and thus help to reduce the unfortunate tension that has existed between these two countries.

One of the principal causes of tension between India and Pakistan is the dispute over the future of Jammu and Kashmir. The matter is before the Security Council and I wish to say nothing at this stage that may prejudice the prospect of a just and peaceful settlement by the efforts of that body. My Government have repeatedly declared their intention that the people of the State should themselves decide freely whether they will remain acceded to India. That policy remains unaltered. But the conditions which will make a free declaration of the will of the people possible have not yet been established. Until that happens and a satisfactory solution to the difficult problem has been found, India will continue to discharge her obligations to protect The State and its people against aggression.

During the last two and a half years the map of India has changed greatly. Hundreds of States have disappeared or have been formed in larger units. This remarkable change has been brought about in a peaceful manner and the process of integration of over 500 States is now practically complete. Their number has been reduced to 16 units. The federal functions of the Unions and States will be taken over by the Central Government with effect from the 1st April. My Government propose to bring forward a Bill during the current session which will bring about legislative uniformity, in so far as the Central laws are concerned, between the States and the rest of India.

The economic situation in the country has been a matter of grave concern to my Government. Suffering from many generations of colonial rule, India had to face the heavy burdens of the world war. Her economy was badly shaken; there was shortage of essential materials, and inflation. It is the primary objective of my Government to raise the standard of living of the people. Owing to the great difficulties which have followed from partition and which have cast a heavy burden on our finances, the progress we had hoped for has not been made. The burden of defence expenditure has been great, as also expenditure on the relief and rehabilitation of millions of displaced persons. The deficit in food has compelled Government to import large quantities of foodstuffs at a heavy cost to the country. My Government have aimed at stopping inflation and bringing about gradually a lowering of prices. All these additional burdens and certain upsets which have taken place from time to time in our economy, have delayed our progress in many important aspects of nation-building, among them being education and health, to which my Government attach great importance. My Government regret this delay greatly. It was essential, however, that in the difficult circumstances which the country had to face, every kind of economy should be practised, so that a sound foundation might be laid for future progress. There has been some definite progress in economy of expenditure.

Our railways, which had suffered grievously during the war and immediately after the Partition, have registered a welcome improvement in many directions. With the integration of the railways of Indian States and Unions of States with the Indian Government Railways from the first of April next, there will be practically one entirely nationalised railway system operating throughout the land.

It is my Government’s intention to establish a Planning Commission so that the best use can be made of such resources as we possess for the development of the nation. Such planning will need the fullest help from statistical information. It is proposed therefore to establish a Central Statistical Organisation. It must be remembered that planning must have clear objectives and that any widespread effort can only succeed with the full co-operation of the people. It is only when governmental agencies and popular enthusiasm and co-operation are yoked together that large-scale economic and social development can take place.

My Government have also been considering for sometime past the reorganisation of the machinery of Government in order to make it more efficient and to avoid waste.

I have referred to the large expenditure on our defence forces. My Government, wedded as they are to the promotion of peace in India and outside, have had to face painful dilemmas during the past two and a half critical years. With all the desire to reduce defence expenditure, they could not take the risk of putting the country in jeopardy at a time when evil forces were endangering its security both within and from outside. The first essential of freedom is the strength to preserve it and no country can take any risk in such a vital matter. Hence the process of demobilisation, which should have taken place after the World War, Was delayed and slowed down. I am glad to say that our defence services have acquitted themselves admirably and have gained the praise and approbation of competent experts. While the security of the country must remain the paramount obligation of any Government, they are anxious to reduce expenditure on defence, in so far as this is possible, and they propose to do so as a measure of economy as well as a gesture of peace.

Food has been a heavy item in our national expenditure and a great deal of thought and effort has been devoted to solving this problem. My Government have declared that we must make good the deficiency in food by the end of 1951. At the same time it is necessary to ensure adequate production of cotton and jute, which are essential industrial raw materials in short supply. I am glad to say that definite progress is being made in regard to food production and we are proceeding with both short-term and long-term schemes for adding to it. Food procurement is an essential part of our short-term scheme. Fortunately the harvest generally has been good though there has been lack of winter rainfall in certain areas and, in Madras, almost complete failure. The campaign for growing more food requires the full co-operation of the people and more especially the peasantry. Among the major schemes before the country are certain river valley projects. Three of these, viz. the Damodar Valley, the Bhakra Dam and Hirakud are under construction at present. Government attach great importance to these, from the point of view of irrigation and food and hydro-electric power.

I am glad that scientific research is making considerable progress in the country. It is ultimately on science and the applications of science that all progress depends. Recently two great national research laboratories have been started. One of these is the National Chemical Laboratory at Poona and the other, the National Physical Laboratory in Delhi, Both are magnificent reseach institutions, it is proposed to have nine more national research laboratories, of which five will be working this year, in addition to the two mentioned above. These laboratories will not only carry out research work of all kinds but will also be feeders to industry and will thus help in industrialisation.

The Well being of the country depends very largely on the welfare of labour, both urban and agricultural. In the course of the last two years the Factories Act and the Minimum Wages Act have been enacted and begining has been made with schemes of social security by enacting the Employees’ State Insurance Act of 1948 and the Coal Mines Provident Fund and Bonus Schemes Act, 1948. My Government will shortly bring before you two comprehensive Bills dealing with labour relations and trade union. An all-India agricultural labour enquiry is at present in progress and, when it is completed, it will assist Government in devising measures for improving the lot of those who are engaged in agricultural production.

The problem of rehabilitation of the large number of evacuees from Pakistan is of great importance not only for them but also for the country. My Government have devoted their earnest attention to it and achieved a measure of success, and a large number of people have been settled and rehabilitated. But it is also true that a large number still remain to be settled and have suffered great hardships. My Government are determined to proceed with the rehabilitation of these displaced persons as quickly as possible.

A statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the Government of India will be laid before you in due course during this session and you will be asked to approve the financial proposals of my Government.

There are twenty Bills pending before you. Some of them have passed the Committee stage and some others have already been discussed in principle. A few of them, which are still under consideration by the Committees, will be brought before you with their recommendations during the course of this session.

A few ordinances have been issued before the commencement of the present session. Such of them as require permanent legislation will be brought before you in the shape of new Bills.

Among the other legislative measures that it is intended to bring before you during this session, the following may be specially mentioned:

A Bill to amend the Indian Income Tax Act in the light of the recommendations made by the Income Tax Investigation Committee, a Bill to extend the duration of the Import and Export Control Act, a Bill to give protection to certain industries, a Bill to provide for the conservation of India’s coal resources and the regulation of the coal mining industry, and a Bill to provide for the proper regulation and development of inter-State rivers and river valleys—these are the more important measures which my Government propose to place before you. They also propose, if the preliminary work could be got through in time, to introduce a comprehensive Representation of the People Bill providing for various election matters under the new Constitution.

I have given you a broad survey of the work in the legislative field. My Government will announce to you from time to time the precise form in which these and other legislative measures and important motions relating to matters of general public interest will be brought before you and will explain to you the degree of urgency in respect of them.

I shall now leave you to your labours. We live in a troubled world scarcely recovered from the consequences of the war, facing crisis after crisis and enveloped by suspicion, bitterness and fear. Nothing good can come out of these. We have heavy and difficult tasks before us and the only way to face them is with courage, co-operation and hard work. Above all I trust we shall always remember that the foundations of our nation’s progress can be well and truly laid only if they are based on right objectives and right action and on integrity of mind and purpose. Great tasks cannot be accomplished by petty means, nor can good results flow from evil methods. We have to face the great challenge of our generation. I am convinced that we can face it, if we prove true to the great ideals that the Father of the Nation placed before us.

I pray that wisdom and tolerance and the spirit of concerted effort may guide you in your deliberations.

Martin Luther King’s “I Have A Dream Speech”[1963]

August 28, 1963

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation. Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclaimation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon of hope to millions of slaves, who had been seared in the flames of whithering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundered years later, the colored America is still not free. One hundred years later, the life of the colored American is still sadly crippled by the manacle of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the colored American lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the colored American is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition. In a sense we have come to our Nation’s Capital to cash a check. When the architects of our great republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every Anerican was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed to the inalienable rights of life liberty and the pursuit of happiness. It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given its colored people a bad check, a check that has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and security of justice. We have also come to his hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is not time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy. Now it the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now it the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality to all of God’s children. I would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment and to underestimate the determination of it’s colored citizens. This sweltering summer of the colored people’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the colored Americans needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the colored citizen is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the colored person’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for white only.”

We cannot be satisfied as long as a colored person in Mississippi cannot vote and a colored person in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream. I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of your trials and tribulations. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our modern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of dispair. I say to you, my friends, we have the difficulties of today and tommorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed. We hold thise truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal. I have a dream that one day out in the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slaveowners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood. I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice. I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by their character. I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interpostion and nullification; that one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as s)fYers and brothers.

I have a dream today. I have a dream that one day every valley shall be engulfed, every hill shall be exalted and every mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plains and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together. This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphomy of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to climb up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning “My country ’tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my father’s died, land of the Pilgrim’s pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!” And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. So let freedom ring from the hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania. Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado. Let freedom ring from the curvacious slopes of California. But not only that, let freedom, ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia. Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi and every mountainside. When we let freedom ring, when we let it ring from every tenement and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old spiritual, “Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”