African Studies (Volume-4): Colonial Period, African Nationalism, and the Road to Independence (1919–1960)

Encyclopedia of African Studies

African Studies Synopsis

THE COLONIAL PERIOD, AFRICAN NATIONALISM, AND THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE (1919–1960)

General Introduction to Volume IV

Volume IV of the Encyclopedia of African Studies covers the period between the two world wars — the heyday of colonial rule — and the slow, uneven, but ultimately unstoppable rise of African nationalism that led to independence. The volume begins in 1919, with the aftermath of the First World War and the creation of the League of Nations mandate system , which gave Germany’s former colonies to Britain, France, Belgium, and South Africa under the guise of “trusteeship.” It ends in 1960, the Year of Africa , when seventeen African countries gained independence from their European rulers.

The period between 1919 and 1960 is often called the colonial period , but that name is misleading. It was also the period of African resistance — not only the armed resistance of the early years, but also the political, economic, and cultural resistance of the educated elite. It was the period when the first political parties were formed, the first trade unions were organized, and the first newspapers were published. It was the period when Africans began to demand not just reform, but self‑government — and eventually, independence .

The volume is organized thematically and chronologically. Part One examines the interwar colonial state : the mandate system, the expansion of forced labor and taxation, the growth of settler colonies in Kenya and Southern Rhodesia, and the impact of the Great Depression. Part Two analyzes the rise of African nationalism : the formation of welfare associations, trade unions, and political parties; the role of the educated elite; the influence of Pan‑Africanism; and the impact of the Second World War. Part Three covers the road to independence in British Africa : the Gold Coast (Ghana), Nigeria, Sierra Leone, the Gambia, and the East African countries. Part Four covers the road to independence in French Africa : the Loi Cadre , the creation of the French Community, and the independence of Guinea under Sékou Touré. Part Five covers the road to independence in Belgian Africa : the Belgian Congo, Rwanda, and Burundi — a story of neglect, exploitation, and sudden, catastrophic decolonization. Part Six covers the Portuguese colonies — Angola, Mozambique, Guinea‑Bissau, Cape Verde, and São Tomé — where independence did not come until the 1970s, after long and bloody wars. Part Seven covers South Africa , where the white minority tightened its grip on power after the victory of the National Party in 1948 and the creation of apartheid . The volume ends in 1960, the Year of Africa, with the independence of seventeen countries — and the Sharpeville Massacre in South Africa, which marked the beginning of a new, more violent phase of the struggle.

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Part One: The Interwar Colonial State (1919–1939)

The League of Nations Mandate System

The Treaty of Versailles (1919) stripped Germany of its colonies. The German colonies in Africa — Togoland , Cameroon , German South‑West Africa , and German East Africa — were distributed among the victorious Allied powers under the League of Nations mandate system . The mandates were divided into three classes:

• Class A mandates (territories of the former Ottoman Empire) – Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine. These were considered nearly ready for independence.
• Class B mandates (former German colonies in Central and West Africa) – Togoland, Cameroon, Tanganyika (German East Africa), Ruanda‑Urundi (present‑day Rwanda and Burundi). These were considered not yet ready for self‑government. The mandatory power was responsible for the “well‑being and development” of the people.
• Class C mandates (former German colonies in South‑West Africa and the Pacific) – German South‑West Africa, German New Guinea, Samoa. These were considered incapable of self‑government and were administered as integral parts of the mandatory power’s territory.

In practice, the mandate system was a fig leaf. The mandatory powers — Britain, France, Belgium, and South Africa — administered the mandates as colonies. They extracted resources, imposed forced labor, and denied political rights. The only difference was that they had to submit annual reports to the League of Nations — reports that were often ignored.

Tanganyika (present‑day Tanzania) was given to Britain. Ruanda‑Urundi (present‑day Rwanda and Burundi) was given to Belgium. Togoland was divided between Britain (the western part, later incorporated into the Gold Coast) and France (the eastern part, later Togo). Cameroon was also divided between Britain (the western part, later part of Nigeria) and France (the eastern part, later Cameroon). German South‑West Africa (present‑day Namibia) was given to South Africa, which administered it as a fifth province — and imposed its system of racial segregation.

Forced Labor and Taxation

The interwar period saw the expansion , not the reduction, of forced labor in Africa. The colonial powers needed to pay their war debts and to develop infrastructure (ports, railways, roads, telegraph lines) to extract resources more efficiently. They also needed to produce cash crops (cotton, coffee, cocoa, palm oil) for export.

Forced labor was enforced through taxation . The colonial powers imposed head taxes , hut taxes , and poll taxes that had to be paid in cash. Africans had to earn cash to pay the taxes. The only way to earn cash was to work for the Europeans — on plantations, in mines, as porters, or as domestic servants. Those who could not pay were punished: flogged, imprisoned, or forced to work without pay.

The French used the corvée system: every adult male was required to work for the state for a certain number of days each year (usually 10 to 20 days). The work included building roads, railways, and bridges; carrying loads; and working on European plantations. The corvée was hated and resisted. In some areas, Africans fled to the bush to avoid it.

The Belgians used a similar system in the Congo. The Force Publique (the colonial army) was used to enforce labor recruitment. Villages that did not meet their quotas were burned, and the inhabitants were beaten or killed.

The Portuguese used the chibalo system (forced labor) in Angola and Mozambique. The Portuguese claimed that chibalo was not slavery because the workers were “contracted” and “paid.” In fact, the pay was a pittance, the conditions were brutal, and the workers were not free to leave.

Settler Colonies: Kenya and Southern Rhodesia

In some African colonies, European settlers arrived in large numbers, seized the best land, and demanded political power. The most important settler colonies were Kenya (British) and Southern Rhodesia (present‑day Zimbabwe, also British). South Africa (covered in Part Seven) was the largest and most powerful settler colony.

Kenya

The British took the fertile Kenya Highlands (the “White Highlands”) for white settlers. The land was taken from the Kikuyu, Maasai, and other peoples, who were pushed onto reserves. By the 1920s, about 10,000 white settlers controlled the best land and dominated the economy. They grew coffee, tea, and sisal for export.

The settlers demanded political representation. The British government created the Legislative Council (LegCo) with seats for Europeans, Asians (Indians), and Africans. The Europeans had the majority. Africans had no real power.

The Kikuyu were the most affected by land alienation. They lost their best land, their cattle, and their independence. Many Kikuyu became squatters on European farms — working for the settlers in exchange for the right to live on the land and keep a few cattle. The squatter system was exploitative and degrading.

Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe)

Southern Rhodesia was colonized by the British South Africa Company (BSAC) of Cecil Rhodes . The company claimed the land, and white settlers arrived in the 1890s. By the 1920s, the white population was about 40,000. They grew tobacco, maize, and cattle.

In 1923, the British government granted Southern Rhodesia self‑government (as a colony, not a dominion). The white settlers controlled the parliament, the civil service, the police, and the army. They passed laws that restricted land ownership (the Land Apportionment Act , 1930), created a pass system for Africans, and imposed a color bar in employment.

Southern Rhodesia became a model of white supremacy — a model that South Africa would later adopt and intensify.

The Great Depression in Africa (1929–1934)

The Great Depression hit Africa hard. The prices of cash crops (coffee, cocoa, cotton, palm oil, rubber) collapsed. African farmers received less money for their produce. The colonial powers, desperate for revenue, increased taxes and forced labor. The result was widespread poverty, hunger, and unrest.

In British West Africa , cocoa farmers refused to sell their cocoa at the low prices offered by British trading companies. They organized boycotts and protests. In the Gold Coast (Ghana), the cocoa hold‑ups (1930–1931) forced the colonial government to intervene and regulate the industry.

In French West Africa , the Depression led to strikes, protests, and riots. In Dakar (Senegal), the railway workers went on strike (1938). In Bamako (Mali), women protested against high taxes and forced labor.

The Depression also weakened the legitimacy of colonial rule. Africans saw that the Europeans were not all‑powerful, not all‑wise, and not benevolent. The seeds of nationalism were being planted.

The Rise of the Educated Elite

The missionary schools had created a small but growing African elite . These were Africans who had attended school, learned European languages (English, French, Portuguese), and adopted European ways of dress, religion, and manners. They worked as teachers, clerks, catechists, nurses, and low‑level administrators.

The elite was caught between two worlds. They were too European for their African peers and too African for their European employers. They experienced the “double consciousness” of which W.E.B. Du Bois wrote: they saw themselves through both their own eyes and the eyes of the racist Europeans who looked down on them.

The elite also had grievances. They were paid less than Europeans for the same work. They were denied promotion. They were subjected to petty humiliations (segregated seating on trains, separate entrances to buildings, the use of the familiar tu in French). They could not vote, could not serve on juries, and could not hold senior positions in the colonial government.

The elite began to organize. They formed welfare associations , literary societies , and debating clubs . They published newspapers and pamphlets . They demanded reforms: better pay, equal treatment, and a voice in government.

The most important of these organizations was the National Congress of British West Africa (NCBWA) , founded in 1917 by J. E. Casely Hayford (a Gold Coast lawyer) and other elite figures. The NCBWA demanded elected representation for Africans in the colonial legislatures, an end to racial discrimination, and the creation of a university in West Africa. The British ignored them — but the NCBWA set the pattern for later nationalist movements.

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Part Two: The Rise of African Nationalism (1919–1945)

The Impact of the First World War

The First World War had a profound impact on African nationalism. African soldiers had fought for the European empires — in Europe, in the Middle East, and in Africa itself. They had seen that Europeans were not invincible. They had been exposed to new ideas: democracy, nationalism, self‑determination. They had been told that they were fighting for “the rights of small nations” and for “the freedom of the world.”

When they returned home, they expected better treatment. They were disappointed. The colonial powers were not grateful. They were suspicious of the returning soldiers, who might have become “disloyal.” The soldiers were often denied jobs, pensions, and land. They were still subjects, not citizens.

The war also weakened the European powers. Britain, France, and Portugal were exhausted, indebted, and demoralized. They could not maintain the same level of control over their colonies. Africans sensed this weakness and began to press for change.

The Pan‑African Congresses (1919, 1921, 1923, 1927, 1945)

The Pan‑African Congresses were a series of meetings that brought together Black intellectuals, activists, and politicians from Africa, the Caribbean, the United States, and Europe. They were organized by W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963), the great African American scholar and activist.

The first Pan‑African Congress was held in Paris in 1919, at the same time as the Paris Peace Conference (which was drawing the post‑war map of the world). The congress demanded that the former German colonies in Africa be placed under international supervision, not given to Britain, France, and Belgium. The demand was ignored.

The second congress (London, Brussels, Paris, 1921) demanded self‑government for African colonies. The third congress (London, Lisbon, 1923) focused on the conditions of Black workers. The fourth congress (New York, 1927) was small and less influential.

The fifth Pan‑African Congress , held in Manchester, England in 1945, was the most important. It was organized by Du Bois and George Padmore (a Trinidadian journalist and former communist), with the help of Kwame Nkrumah (a young Ghanaian student) and Jomo Kenyatta (a young Kenyan student). The congress declared: “We are determined to be free.” It called for the end of colonialism and the unity of African peoples.

The Manchester Congress was a turning point. Many of the future leaders of independent Africa were there: Nkrumah (Ghana), Kenyatta (Kenya), Hastings Kamuzu Banda (Malawi), and Obafemi Awolowo (Nigeria). They returned to their home countries determined to lead the struggle for independence.

The Rise of Trade Unions

The trade union movement was another source of African nationalism. African workers — on the railways, in the mines, on the docks, in the factories — began to organize to demand better wages, shorter hours, and better conditions.

The most important early trade unions were in Sierra Leone (railway workers), Nigeria (railway workers and coal miners), Gold Coast (mine workers and railway workers), and Kenya (railway workers and domestic workers). The unions were often led by the educated elite, who had the literacy and the contacts to organize effectively.

The colonial authorities tried to suppress the unions. They banned strikes, arrested union leaders, and deported “troublemakers.” But the unions persisted. They became the backbone of the nationalist movement, providing a mass base and a source of funding.

In French Africa , the unions were affiliated with the French Communist Party , which was anti‑colonial and (after 1936, when the Popular Front came to power) legal. The French unions organized strikes in Dakar (1938), Bamako (1939), and other cities.

The Influence of Marcus Garvey

Marcus Garvey (1887–1940) — already introduced in Volume II — had a profound influence on African nationalism. Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) had millions of members in the United States, the Caribbean, and Africa. Garvey preached Black pride , economic self‑sufficiency , and the back‑to‑Africa movement.

Garvey’s message resonated with Africans who were experiencing the humiliation of colonial rule. They saw that Garvey was not afraid to speak truth to power. They admired his boldness, his charisma, and his refusal to accept white supremacy.

Garvey’s influence can be seen in the Rastafari movement (Jamaica), the African Orthodox Church (which Garvey founded), and the flag of Ghana (which uses the UNIA colors: red, black, green). Garvey’s slogan — “One God! One Aim! One Destiny!” — became a rallying cry for African nationalists.

The Impact of the Second World War (1939–1945)

The Second World War was a turning point in the history of African colonialism. The war was fought in Africa — in North Africa (Egypt, Libya, Tunisia, Morocco, Algeria) and in East Africa (Ethiopia, Somalia, Kenya). Millions of Africans served in the Allied armies, as soldiers, porters, drivers, and laborers.

About 500,000 Africans served in the British forces. About 200,000 served in the French forces. The Force Publique of the Belgian Congo fought against the Italians in East Africa. African soldiers fought in Burma, in India, in Italy, and in France.

The war exposed Africans to new ideas and new experiences. They saw that Europeans could be defeated (by the Japanese in Asia, by the Germans in Europe). They saw that the colonial powers were not invincible. They also learned about the Atlantic Charter (1941), which proclaimed the “right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they will live” — a promise that was meant for Europe, but that Africans applied to themselves.

When the war ended, Africans expected change. They were disappointed. The colonial powers returned, and they seemed determined to restore the old order. But the old order could not be restored. The war had broken it beyond repair.

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Part Three: The Road to Independence in British Africa (1945–1960)

The Gold Coast (Ghana): The First Sub‑Saharan Independence

The Gold Coast (present‑day Ghana) was the first sub‑Saharan African colony to gain independence. The movement was led by Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972).

Nkrumah was born in the Gold Coast, trained as a teacher, and then went to the United States for further education. He studied at Lincoln University (Pennsylvania) and at the University of Pennsylvania. He then moved to London, where he organized the fifth Pan‑African Congress (1945).

In 1947, Nkrumah returned to the Gold Coast. He became the secretary of the United Gold Coast Convention (UGCC) , a nationalist party led by the elite lawyer J. B. Danquah . But Nkrumah was more radical than Danquah. He broke with the UGCC and founded his own party, the Convention People’s Party (CPP) , in 1949.

The CPP was a mass party. It appealed to workers, farmers, women, and young people. Its slogan was “Self‑government now!” — not “eventually” or “in due course,” but now.

In 1950, Nkrumah called for positive action — a campaign of strikes, boycotts, and civil disobedience. The British arrested him and sentenced him to three years in prison. But the campaign continued. In 1951, the British held elections for a new Legislative Council. The CPP won a landslide victory — even though Nkrumah was still in prison. The British released him, and he became the “Leader of Government Business” (effectively the prime minister).

Nkrumah led the Gold Coast to independence on March 6, 1957 . The new nation took the name Ghana , after the ancient empire. Nkrumah declared: “The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of Africa.”

Ghana’s independence inspired nationalists across Africa. It showed that colonial rule could be overthrown — not through violence, but through mass mobilization, political organization, and non‑violent resistance. The Year of Africa (1960) was just three years away.

Nigeria: The Giant of Africa

Nigeria was the largest British colony in Africa by population (about 30 million in 1950). It was also the most complex: a federation of three regions (Northern, Eastern, Western), with hundreds of ethnic groups (the largest: Hausa‑Fulani, Yoruba, Igbo), and two religions (Islam and Christianity).

The Nigerian nationalist movement was divided along ethnic and regional lines. The major parties:

• Northern People’s Congress (NPC) – dominated by Hausa‑Fulani Muslims, conservative, supportive of the emirs (traditional rulers).
• National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) – dominated by Igbo and other eastern groups, led by Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996), a charismatic, American‑educated nationalist.
• Action Group (AG) – dominated by Yoruba, led by Obafemi Awolowo (1909–1987), a lawyer and political thinker.

The British tried to create a unitary state, but the regions demanded autonomy. The Richards Constitution (1946) created a federal system, with regional assemblies. The Macpherson Constitution (1951) gave the regions more power. The Lyttelton Constitution (1954) made Nigeria a true federation, with a central government and three regional governments.

Nigeria became independent on October 1, 1960 . The first prime minister was Abubakar Tafawa Balewa (NPC); the first governor‑general (and later president) was Nnamdi Azikiwe (NCNC); the leader of the opposition was Obafemi Awolowo (AG).

Nigeria’s independence was a triumph — but it was also a warning. The ethnic and regional divisions that had been papered over by the British would later tear the country apart (the Biafran War, 1967–1970).

Sierra Leone, the Gambia, and British East Africa

Sierra Leone became independent on April 27, 1961 . The nationalist movement was led by Milton Margai (1895–1964), a medical doctor and the leader of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP) . Sierra Leone’s independence was peaceful and orderly — but the country later collapsed into civil war (1991–2002).

The Gambia became independent on February 18, 1965 . The Gambia was the smallest British colony in Africa (a narrow strip of land along the Gambia River, surrounded by Senegal). The nationalist movement was led by Dawda Jawara (1924–2019), a veterinarian and the leader of the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) .

British East Africa (Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika, Zanzibar) followed a different path. In Kenya, the Mau Mau uprising (1952–1960) — covered in detail below — forced the British to accept African majority rule. Kenya became independent on December 12, 1963 , under the leadership of Jomo Kenyatta (c. 1894–1978). Uganda became independent on October 9, 1962 , under Milton Obote (1925–2005). Tanganyika became independent on December 9, 1961 , under Julius Nyerere (1922–1999). Zanzibar became independent on December 10, 1963 — and then merged with Tanganyika to form Tanzania on April 26, 1964.

The Mau Mau Uprising (Kenya, 1952–1960)

The Mau Mau uprising was the most violent and controversial of the anti‑colonial struggles in British Africa. The Mau Mau were Kikuyu fighters who swore an oath to drive the British out of Kenya and to recover their land. They attacked British settlers, African collaborators, and government posts.

The British declared a state of emergency (1952). They arrested thousands of Kikuyu, including Jomo Kenyatta (the leader of the Kenya African Union). Kenyatta was convicted of “managing” the Mau Mau — a charge that was almost certainly false. He was imprisoned for nine years.

The British used brutal methods to suppress the rebellion. They created villagization camps, where Kikuyu civilians were forced to live behind barbed wire. They tortured suspects, including by castration and burning . They executed over 1,000 Mau Mau fighters. About 20,000 Kikuyu were killed (by both the British and the Mau Mau). The British lost about 200 soldiers and settlers.

The Mau Mau rebellion was defeated by 1960. But it had two important consequences. First, it convinced the British that they could not hold Kenya by force. Second, it made Jomo Kenyatta a national hero. When Kenyatta was released from prison (1961) and became prime minister (1963), he was seen as the father of the nation.

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Part Four: The Road to Independence in French Africa (1945–1960)

The French Union and the Loi Cadre

After the Second World War, France reorganized its empire into the French Union (1946). The French Union was supposed to be a community of equal partners, with French colonies becoming “overseas territories” (territoires d’outre‑mer) with representation in the French parliament.

In practice, the French Union was a fig leaf. The French government still controlled the colonies. But there were some important changes: the code de l’indigénat (the Native Code) was abolished (1946); forced labor was abolished; and Africans were granted French citizenship (though with limited rights).

The most important reform was the Loi Cadre (Framework Law) of 1956. The Loi Cadre created elected territorial assemblies in each French colony. The assemblies had limited powers (they could not control defense, foreign policy, or finance), but they were a step toward self‑government.

The Loi Cadre also introduced universal suffrage (for both men and women) in French Africa — earlier than in most African colonies.

The French Community and the Independence of Guinea

In 1958, France held a referendum on a new constitution for the French Community (the successor to the French Union). The French Community was a federation: French colonies could choose to become member states (with internal self‑government) or to become independent.

Only one colony voted for independence: Guinea . The leader of Guinea was Ahmed Sékou Touré (1922–1984), a trade unionist and a socialist. Sékou Touré campaigned for a “no” vote. He famously said: “We prefer poverty in freedom to riches in slavery.”

Guinea voted “no” on September 28, 1958. It became independent on October 2, 1958 — the first French colony in sub‑Saharan Africa to gain independence. France was furious. The French government withdrew all its personnel, destroyed all its equipment, and even removed the telephones. Guinea was left to fend for itself.

Sékou Touré became a hero of African nationalism. But his rule later became repressive, and Guinea remained poor.

The Independence of Francophone Africa (1960)

After Guinea’s independence, the other French colonies decided to stay in the French Community — but they soon changed their minds. In 1960, France agreed to grant independence to all its sub‑Saharan African colonies. 1960 became the Year of Africa : seventeen countries gained independence.

The former French colonies that gained independence in 1960:

• Dahomey (Benin)
• Upper Volta (Burkina Faso)
• Cameroon (formerly a UN trust territory)
• Central African Republic
• Chad
• Congo (Brazzaville) – now Republic of Congo
• Ivory Coast (Côte d’Ivoire)
• Gabon
• Madagascar
• Mali (formerly French Sudan)
• Mauritania
• Niger
• Senegal
• Somalia (a former Italian colony, but independent in 1960)
• Togo (formerly a UN trust territory)

The leaders of these new nations were mostly the evolved — the educated elite who had been trained in French schools and had served in the French colonial administration. They included Félix Houphouët‑Boigny (Ivory Coast), Léopold Sédar Senghor (Senegal), Modibo Keïta (Mali), and Ahmadou Ahidjo (Cameroon).

These leaders were generally pro‑French. They kept close ties with France, maintained the French language as the official language, and allowed French companies to dominate their economies. This system became known as Françafrique — a network of political, economic, and military relationships that kept France influential in its former colonies.

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Part Five: The Road to Independence in Belgian Africa (1945–1960)

The Belgian Congo: A Case of Neglect

The Belgian Congo was the largest and richest colony in Africa. It was rich in copper (Katanga), diamonds (Kasai), gold, tin, and rubber. The Belgian government took over the colony from King Leopold II in 1908 (after the atrocities were exposed). The Belgians ran the Congo as a business , not as a settlement colony. They invested in infrastructure (roads, railways, ports) and in mining, but they invested almost nothing in education or political development.

By 1960, the Congo had only a handful of university graduates (about 30). The colonial administration was entirely European. There were no Congolese officers in the army, no Congolese judges, no Congolese doctors. The Belgians had not prepared the Congo for independence — because they never intended to grant it.

But the winds of change were blowing. The independence of Ghana (1957) and the French colonies (1960) inspired Congolese nationalists. The most important was Patrice Lumumba (1925–1961), a postal worker, a beer salesman, and a charismatic speaker. Lumumba founded the Mouvement National Congolais (MNC) , a nationalist party that demanded immediate independence.

The Belgians panicked. In January 1960, they called a conference in Brussels to discuss the future of the Congo. The Congolese delegates demanded independence. The Belgians agreed — suddenly, without preparation. The Congo would become independent on June 30, 1960 .

Independence and the Congo Crisis (1960–1965)

The Congo’s independence was a disaster. The country was unprepared. The army (the Force Publique ) mutinied against its Belgian officers. The province of Katanga , rich in copper, seceded under Moïse Tshombe (1919–1969), with the support of Belgian mining companies. The province of South Kasai also seceded.

Lumumba became prime minister. He appealed to the United Nations for help. The UN sent troops, but they did not intervene in Katanga. Lumumba then turned to the Soviet Union for support. This alarmed the United States and Belgium. They plotted to remove him.

In September 1960, the Congolese president, Joseph Kasa‑Vubu , dismissed Lumumba. Lumumba refused to go. The army chief of staff, Joseph‑Désiré Mobutu (1930–1997), seized power in a coup. Lumumba was arrested, transferred to Katanga, and executed (January 17, 1961).

The Congo crisis continued for five years. The UN finally intervened militarily, defeated the Katanga secession (1963), and restored the central government. But the country remained unstable. Mobutu seized power again in 1965 and ruled as a dictator for 32 years (see Volume V).

Rwanda and Burundi: From Trust Territory to Independence

Ruanda‑Urundi (present‑day Rwanda and Burundi) was a Belgian mandate (and later UN trust territory) after the First World War. The Belgians ruled through the Tutsi monarchy, which had dominated the Hutu majority for centuries. The Belgians intensified the racial hierarchy, issuing identity cards that labeled people as Hutu, Tutsi, or Twa.

In the 1950s, the Hutu began to demand political rights. The Belgians, who were preparing to leave, switched their support from the Tutsi to the Hutu. This led to a social revolution in Rwanda (1959–1961): the Hutu overthrew the Tutsi monarchy, killed thousands of Tutsi, and forced many more into exile.

Rwanda became independent on July 1, 1962 , under a Hutu‑dominated government. Burundi became independent on the same day, under a Tutsi‑dominated monarchy (which was later overthrown). The ethnic divisions, deepened by Belgian rule, would later lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 (covered in Volume VI).

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Part Six: The Portuguese Colonies – The Longest Struggle (1945–1974)

Salazar and the “Overseas Provinces”

The Portuguese colonies in Africa — Angola , Mozambique , Portuguese Guinea (present‑day Guinea‑Bissau), Cape Verde , and São Tomé and Príncipe — were the last to gain independence. The reason was the Portuguese dictator António de Oliveira Salazar (1889–1970), who ruled Portugal from 1932 to 1968.

Salazar refused to decolonize. He declared that the Portuguese colonies were not colonies but “overseas provinces” — an integral part of Portugal. He sent Portuguese settlers to Angola and Mozambique (about 500,000 by 1974). He repressed any form of African nationalism.

But nationalism grew despite the repression. In Angola, the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) , led by Agostinho Neto (1922–1979), and the National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA) , led by Holden Roberto (1923–2007), began armed struggle in 1961. In Mozambique, the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) , led by Eduardo Mondlane (1920–1969), began armed struggle in 1964. In Portuguese Guinea, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) , led by Amílcar Cabral (1924–1973), began armed struggle in 1963.

The Colonial Wars (1961–1974)

The Portuguese colonial wars lasted 13 years. They were brutal. The Portuguese used napalm, defoliants, and torture. They massacred civilians in villages suspected of supporting the guerrillas. The guerrillas used hit‑and‑run tactics, land mines, and ambushes.

The wars were a huge drain on Portugal. The Portuguese economy could not sustain them. The Portuguese army was demoralized. Many young men fled to avoid conscription.

The turning point came in 1974, when a group of left‑wing officers in the Portuguese army (the Armed Forces Movement , MFA) overthrew the dictatorship in the Carnation Revolution (April 25, 1974). The new government granted independence to all the Portuguese colonies.

Angola became independent on November 11, 1975 , after a civil war between the MPLA, FNLA, and UNITA (led by Jonas Savimbi ). Mozambique became independent on June 25, 1975 , under FRELIMO. Guinea‑Bissau became independent on September 10, 1974 . Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe became independent in 1975.

The Portuguese colonies were the last in Africa to gain independence — but they were also among the most scarred. The long wars had devastated their economies, their societies, and their psyches.

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Part Seven: South Africa – The Rise of Apartheid (1948–1960)

The Union of South Africa (1910)

South Africa was different from the rest of Africa. It was a settler colony — a country where the white minority had seized the land, dominated the economy, and controlled the state. The Union of South Africa was created in 1910, when the British colonies (the Cape, Natal) and the former Afrikaner republics (the Orange Free State, the Transvaal) were united under a single government.

The Union was a dominion of the British Empire (like Canada, Australia, New Zealand). It was self‑governing. Its parliament was controlled by whites (about 20 percent of the population). The Natives Land Act (1913) had already reserved about 7 percent of the land for Africans (who were 80 percent of the population). The Pass Laws required Africans to carry passes at all times. The Colour Bar prevented Africans from holding skilled jobs.

The Rise of Afrikaner Nationalism

The Afrikaners (descendants of the Dutch, French, and German settlers) were the largest group among the white population. They spoke Afrikaans (a language derived from Dutch). They had their own culture, their own churches, and their own political parties.

After the Boer War (1899–1902), many Afrikaners resented the British. They created a nationalist movement that sought to promote Afrikaner culture and to break British influence. The National Party (NP) was founded in 1914. It was a Afrikaner nationalist party.

In 1948, the National Party won a surprise victory in the general election. It campaigned on a platform of apartheid (Afrikaans for “apartness” or “separation”).

The Apartheid System (1948–1990)

The apartheid system was a comprehensive system of racial segregation and white supremacy. It was based on the following laws:

• Population Registration Act (1950) – Every South African was classified by race: white, Black (African), colored (mixed‑race), or Indian (Asian). The classification was based on appearance, ancestry, and social acceptance.
• Group Areas Act (1950) – Each racial group was assigned its own area to live. Non‑whites were forced to move out of areas designated for whites. Entire neighborhoods were bulldozed.
• Pass Laws – Black South Africans were required to carry a passbook (a reference book) at all times. The passbook contained their name, photograph, fingerprints, employment record, and permission to be in a certain area. Without a passbook, they could be arrested, fined, or deported to a “homeland.”
• Bantu Education Act (1953) – Black education was placed under a separate department, with a curriculum designed to prepare Black children for manual labor, not for skilled work or leadership. The government reduced funding for Black schools.
• Mixed Marriages Act (1949) and Immorality Act (1950) – Prohibited marriage and sexual relations between whites and non‑whites.
• Separate Amenities Act (1953) – Public facilities (parks, beaches, buses, trains, toilets, benches) were segregated. The facilities for non‑whites were always inferior.

The apartheid system also created homelands (Bantustans) — ten areas where Black South Africans were supposed to have “self‑government.” The homelands were the worst land in the country (about 13 percent of the land, for 80 percent of the population). The government stripped Black South Africans of their South African citizenship and made them citizens of the homelands — even if they had never lived there.

The Defiance Campaign (1952) and the Freedom Charter (1955)

The African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912, was the oldest nationalist organization in South Africa. In the 1950s, the ANC, in alliance with the South African Indian Congress, the Coloured People’s Congress, and the South African Congress of Trade Unions, launched a campaign of civil disobedience against apartheid laws.

The Defiance Campaign (1952) called on volunteers to break apartheid laws (entering white‑only areas, using white‑only facilities) and to go to jail. Thousands were arrested. The government responded by banning the leaders of the campaign.

In 1955, the ANC and its allies organized the Congress of the People , which adopted the Freedom Charter . The charter declared: “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, Black and white.” It called for a democratic, non‑racial South Africa, with equal rights for all. The government arrested the leaders and charged them with treason (the Treason Trial , 1956–1961). All were acquitted.

The Sharpeville Massacre (1960)

On March 21, 1960 , the Pan‑Africanist Congress (PAC, a breakaway from the ANC) organized a protest against the pass laws. Thousands of Black South Africans gathered outside the police station in Sharpeville , a township near Vereeniging. They refused to carry their passbooks. The police opened fire. 69 people were killed (including 8 women and 10 children); 180 were wounded.

The Sharpeville Massacre shocked the world. It marked the end of non‑violent resistance in South Africa. The ANC and the PAC were banned. Their leaders went into exile or underground. Nelson Mandela (1918–2013) and other leaders formed Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), the armed wing of the ANC. The struggle for freedom in South Africa would now be a violent one.

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Appendices for Volume IV

Timeline of the Colonial Period and the Road to Independence (1919–1960)

Date	Event
1919	First Pan‑African Congress (Paris)
1923	Southern Rhodesia granted self‑government (white minority rule)
1929–1934	Great Depression in Africa
1935	Italy invades Ethiopia (Second Italo‑Ethiopian War)
1936–1939	Italy occupies Ethiopia (Haile Selassie exiled)
1939–1945	Second World War – millions of Africans serve in Allied armies
1941	Atlantic Charter – “right of all peoples to choose their government”
1945	Fifth Pan‑African Congress (Manchester)
1946	French Union established; code de l’indigénat abolished
1948	National Party wins election in South Africa – apartheid begins
1949	Convention People’s Party (CPP) founded in Gold Coast (Ghana)
1950–1953	Korean War – not Africa, but increases demand for African resources
1952	Defiance Campaign (South Africa)
1952–1960	Mau Mau uprising (Kenya)
1954	Algerian War of Independence begins (lasts until 1962)
1955	Freedom Charter (South Africa)
1956	Loi Cadre (French Africa) – creates elected territorial assemblies
1957	Gold Coast becomes independent as Ghana (first sub‑Saharan colony)
1958	Guinea votes for independence from France
1960	Year of Africa – seventeen countries gain independence
1960	Sharpeville Massacre (South Africa) – 69 killed

Glossary of Volume IV Key Terms

Apartheid – Afrikaans for “apartness.” The system of racial segregation and white supremacy in South Africa (1948–1990).

Bantu Education – The South African system of separate, inferior education for Black children, designed to prepare them for manual labor.

Bantustan – A “homeland” for Black South Africans, created by the apartheid government. Bantustans were the worst land in the country; their residents were stripped of South African citizenship.

Carnation Revolution – The military coup in Portugal (April 25, 1974) that overthrew the dictatorship and led to the independence of the Portuguese colonies.

Chibalo – The Portuguese system of forced labor in Angola and Mozambique.

Code de l’indigénat – The French legal code that allowed administrators to punish Africans without trial (abolished 1946).

Corvée – Forced labor for the state (building roads, railways, etc.), used by the French and other colonial powers.

Defiance Campaign – A 1952 civil disobedience campaign against apartheid laws in South Africa, organized by the ANC and its allies.

Force Publique – The colonial army of the Belgian Congo. It mutinied after independence, leading to the Congo Crisis.

Françafrique – The network of political, economic, and military relationships that keeps France influential in its former African colonies.

Freedom Charter – A 1955 document adopted by the ANC and its allies, calling for a democratic, non‑racial South Africa.

Group Areas Act – A 1950 South African law that assigned racial groups to specific residential areas.

Homelands (Bantustans) – The areas designated for Black South Africans under apartheid. They were poor, overcrowded, and politically powerless.

Loi Cadre – The 1956 French law that created elected territorial assemblies in French Africa and introduced universal suffrage.

Mau Mau – A Kikuyu armed movement in Kenya (1952–1960) that fought against British rule.

Pass Laws – Laws requiring Black South Africans to carry passes (passbooks) at all times. The passbooks controlled their movement and employment.

Positive Action – Kwame Nkrumah’s strategy of strikes, boycotts, and civil disobedience to achieve independence for Ghana.

Sharpeville Massacre – The March 21, 1960, killing of 69 unarmed Black protesters by South African police. It marked the end of non‑violent resistance.

Treason Trial – A 1956–1961 trial of 156 anti‑apartheid activists in South Africa. All were acquitted.

Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation) – The armed wing of the ANC, founded after the Sharpeville Massacre.

Villagization – The forced relocation of civilians into fortified villages, used by the British during the Mau Mau uprising.

Year of Africa – 1960, when seventeen African countries gained independence from colonial rule.

Biographical Sketches (Volume IV)

Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972, Ghana) – The first prime minister and president of Ghana (1957–1966). He led Ghana to independence, promoted Pan‑Africanism, and wrote Africa Must Unite . He was overthrown by a military coup in 1966.

Jomo Kenyatta (c. 1894–1978, Kenya) – The first president of Kenya (1964–1978). He studied anthropology at the London School of Economics, wrote Facing Mount Kenya , and was imprisoned during the Mau Mau uprising. He led Kenya to independence in 1963.

Patrice Lumumba (1925–1961, Congo) – The first prime minister of the independent Congo (1960). He was a charismatic nationalist who appealed to the Soviet Union for support. He was overthrown, arrested, and executed in 1961. He became a martyr of African nationalism.

Ahmed Sékou Touré (1922–1984, Guinea) – The first president of Guinea (1958–1984). He led Guinea to independence by voting “no” in the French referendum of 1958. He was a socialist and a Pan‑Africanist, but his rule became repressive.

Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904–1996, Nigeria) – The first president of Nigeria (1963–1966). He was a leading nationalist, a journalist, and a mentor to a generation of Nigerian politicians. He was known as “Zik of Africa.”

Obafemi Awolowo (1909–1987, Nigeria) – A leading nationalist and the first premier of the Western Region (1954–1960). He was a political thinker, a lawyer, and the author of Path to Nigerian Freedom . He is remembered as one of the founders of modern Nigeria.

Julius Nyerere (1922–1999, Tanganyika/Tanzania) – The first president of Tanganyika (1961) and later Tanzania (1964–1985). He promoted Ujamaa (African socialism) and the Swahili language. He was one of the most respected African leaders of his generation.

Amílcar Cabral (1924–1973, Guinea‑Bissau/Cape Verde) – The leader of the PAIGC, which fought for the independence of Guinea‑Bissau and Cape Verde. He was a brilliant strategist and a theorist of decolonization. He was assassinated in 1973, just before independence.

Agostinho Neto (1922–1979, Angola) – The first president of Angola (1975–1979). He led the MPLA in the war against Portuguese rule and in the civil war against UNITA and the FNLA. He was also a poet.

Eduardo Mondlane (1920–1969, Mozambique) – The founder and first leader of FRELIMO, which fought for the independence of Mozambique. He was assassinated by the Portuguese secret police in 1969.

Hendrik Verwoerd (1901–1966, South Africa) – The prime minister of South Africa (1958–1966) and the “architect of apartheid.” He created the Bantustan system and passed the laws that made apartheid comprehensive. He was assassinated in 1966.

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Summary of Volume IV

Volume IV has covered the colonial period , the rise of African nationalism , and the road to independence (1919–1960). We have seen how the colonial powers tightened their grip after the First World War — but also how they were weakened by the Great Depression and the Second World War. We have seen how African nationalists organized, protested, and fought for their freedom. We have seen the independence of Ghana (1957), the Year of Africa (1960), and the beginning of the end of colonial rule.

But independence was not the end of the story. The new nations faced immense challenges: poverty, illiteracy, ethnic divisions, corrupt leaders, and the legacy of colonial exploitation. Volume V will cover the postcolonial state , the military coups , and the Cold War on African soil (1960–1991).

Volume V: The Postcolonial State, Military Coups, and the Cold War on African Soil (1960–1991)

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