Encyclopedia of African Studies
THE POSTCOLONIAL STATE, MILITARY COUPS, AND THE COLD WAR ON AFRICAN SOIL (1960–1991)
General Introduction to Volume V
Volume V of the Encyclopedia of African Studies covers the three decades following the wave of independence — a period of immense hope, brutal disappointment, and profound transformation. The volume begins in 1960, the Year of Africa , when seventeen newly independent nations joined the community of nations. It ends in 1991, with the fall of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War — events that would reshape African politics, economics, and security for decades to come.
The period between 1960 and 1991 is often called the postcolonial era , but that name is misleading. Colonialism did not end in 1960. It continued — in new forms. The former colonial powers maintained economic control through monoculture (cash crops for export), debt , and currency links (the CFA franc). They maintained military control through bases , training missions , and interventions . And they maintained political control through client regimes , election rigging , and assassinations .
The new African nations also faced internal challenges: ethnic divisions (exacerbated by colonial borders that cut across ethnic groups), weak institutions (the colonial state had been designed to extract, not to develop), corruption (the new elites often used the state for their own enrichment), and economic dependency (the former colonies still exported raw materials and imported manufactured goods).
The result was a wave of military coups . Between 1960 and 1990, there were over 80 successful coups in Africa. The first was in Togo (1963); the most notorious were in Nigeria (1966, 1975, 1983, 1985, 1993), Ghana (1966, 1972, 1979, 1981), and Liberia (1980). The soldiers promised to end corruption, restore order, and promote development. In most cases, they failed. Military rule was often as corrupt, as repressive, and as inefficient as civilian rule — and sometimes worse.
The Cold War made everything worse. The United States and the Soviet Union competed for influence in Africa, using the continent as a proxy battlefield. They funded rebels, armed dictators, and overthrew democratically elected governments. The most devastating proxy wars were in Angola (1975–2002), Mozambique (1977–1992), Ethiopia (1974–1991), and the Democratic Republic of Congo (1996–2003). Millions of Africans died — not for their own freedom, but for the strategic interests of distant superpowers.
Volume V is organized thematically and chronologically. Part One examines the first decade of independence (1960–1970): the hopes, the challenges, and the early coups. Part Two analyzes the military coups : why they happened, how they ruled, and why they failed. Part Three covers the Cold War in Africa : the proxy wars, the superpower interventions, and the human cost. Part Four examines the socialist experiments : Nyerere’s Ujamaa in Tanzania, Nkrumah’s Consciencism in Ghana, and the Marxist‑Leninist regimes in Ethiopia, Angola, and Mozambique. Part Five covers the apartheid regime in South Africa (1960–1991): the intensification of repression, the armed struggle, the international sanctions movement, and the release of Nelson Mandela (1990). Part Six examines the economic crisis of the 1980s: the debt crisis, structural adjustment programs, and the imposition of neoliberalism. Part Seven covers the end of the Cold War and its impact on Africa: the withdrawal of superpower support, the collapse of Marxist regimes, and the beginning of a new wave of democratization.
The volume ends in 1991, a moment of both hope and uncertainty. The Cold War was over. Apartheid was crumbling. New democracies were emerging. But the continent was exhausted, indebted, and traumatized. The worst was yet to come: the Rwandan genocide (1994), the Congo wars (1996–2003), and the failed states of Somalia, Liberia, and Sierra Leone. Those stories will be told in Volume VI.
Part One: The First Decade of Independence (1960–1970)
The Hopes of Independence
The early 1960s were a time of immense hope. The new African leaders — Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana), Julius Nyerere (Tanganyika), Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya), Léopold Sédar Senghor (Senegal), Modibo Keïta (Mali), Sékou Touré (Guinea), Nnamdi Azikiwe (Nigeria), Habib Bourguiba (Tunisia), and Gamal Abdel Nasser (Egypt) — were among the most charismatic and respected figures in the world. They spoke of African unity , economic development , social justice , and Pan‑Africanism .
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was founded in 1963, in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Its charter committed its members to liberate the remaining colonies (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea‑Bissau, Rhodesia, South Africa, South‑West Africa), to respect existing borders (no redrawing the colonial map), and to non‑interference in each other’s internal affairs. The OAU was a club of presidents — not a democratic institution. But it was a symbol of African unity.
The new nations also joined the United Nations , where they formed a powerful voting bloc. They used their numbers to pass resolutions condemning colonialism, apartheid, and racism. They also used the UN to demand economic aid and technical assistance.
The Challenges of Independence
But the new nations faced immense challenges:
Poverty . Most Africans were subsistence farmers, living on less than a dollar a day. There were few industries, few roads, few schools, few hospitals. The colonial powers had built infrastructure to extract resources — not to develop the country.
Illiteracy . In many countries, over 80 percent of the population could not read or write. The colonial powers had educated only a tiny elite — just enough to staff the lower levels of the colonial administration.
Ethnic divisions . The colonial borders had been drawn in Berlin (1884–1885) with no regard for ethnic groups. The result was that many countries contained dozens — sometimes hundreds — of different ethnic groups, speaking different languages, practicing different religions, and often with histories of conflict.
Weak institutions . The colonial state had been a predatory state — designed to extract taxes, labor, and resources, not to provide services or promote development. The new governments inherited this state: a bureaucracy that was corrupt, inefficient, and unaccountable; a police force that was brutal and repressive; a judiciary that was subservient to the executive.
Economic dependency . The former colonies still exported raw materials (coffee, cocoa, cotton, palm oil, rubber, copper, gold, diamonds, oil) and imported manufactured goods. The prices of raw materials were set in London, New York, and Tokyo — not in Lagos, Accra, or Nairobi. When the prices fell, the African economies collapsed.
Neo‑colonialism . The former colonial powers — Britain, France, Belgium, Portugal — maintained close ties with their former colonies. They provided aid, technical assistance, and military support — in exchange for economic concessions, military bases, and political loyalty. France, in particular, maintained a network of Françafrique : French troops stationed in Senegal, Ivory Coast, Gabon, Chad, Djibouti, and the Central African Republic; French advisors in the presidents’ offices; French companies controlling the mining, oil, and telecommunications sectors.
The First Coups (1963–1966)
The first military coup in independent Africa occurred in Togo , on January 13, 1963. President Sylvanus Olympio (1902–1963) was assassinated by a group of disgruntled veterans who had been demobilized from the French army. The coup was led by Gnassingbé Eyadéma (1935–2005), who would rule Togo for 38 years.
The Togolese coup was followed by others:
- Dahomey (Benin) – 1963, 1965, 1967, 1969, 1972 (five coups in nine years).
- Congo‑Brazzaville – 1963, 1968.
- Algeria – 1965 (Houari Boumédiène overthrew Ahmed Ben Bella).
- Nigeria – 1966 (two coups: January and July; the January coup was led by Igbo officers, the July coup by Hausa‑Fulani officers).
- Ghana – 1966 (Kwame Nkrumah was overthrown while on a peace mission to Vietnam).
- Upper Volta (Burkina Faso) – 1966, 1970, 1974, 1980, 1982, 1983 (six coups between 1966 and 1983).
- Burundi – 1966.
- Central African Republic – 1966 (Jean‑Bedel Bokassa, a former army colonel, overthrew President David Dacko).
- Sierra Leone – 1967, 1968.
- Sudan – 1969 (Gaafar Nimeiry overthrew the civilian government).
The coups were often bloody. Presidents were assassinated, imprisoned, or exiled. Political parties were banned. Constitutions were suspended. The soldiers promised to restore order, end corruption, and promote development. In most cases, they failed.
The Nigerian Civil War (Biafra, 1967–1970)
The Nigerian Civil War — also known as the Biafran War — was the most devastating conflict of the first decade of independence. It was caused by ethnic tensions, regional rivalries, and the failure of the political system.
Nigeria was a federation of three regions: the North (Hausa‑Fulani, Muslim), the West (Yoruba, Christian and Muslim), and the East (Igbo, Christian). The regions had their own governments, their own police forces, and their own resources. The North was the largest and most populous. The East was the richest (because of oil, discovered in 1956 in the Niger Delta).
The first military coup (January 1966) was led by Igbo officers. They killed the prime minister (Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, a Northerner) and other Northern leaders. The coup failed, and a new military government was formed — but it was led by a Northerner, General Johnson Aguiyi‑Ironsi (an Igbo). The Northerners were furious. In July 1966, Northern officers staged a second coup. They killed Aguiyi‑Ironsi and massacred thousands of Igbo civilians living in the North.
The Igbo of the East feared for their lives. Their leader, Lieutenant Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933–2011), declared the independence of the Republic of Biafra (May 30, 1967). The Nigerian government, now led by General Yakubu Gowon (a Northerner), refused to accept secession. War began.
The war lasted 30 months. It was brutal. The Nigerian army blockaded Biafra, preventing food and medicine from reaching the civilian population. About 1 to 3 million people died — mostly from starvation and disease. The images of starving Biafran children were broadcast around the world. Western governments (including France, which supported Biafra) were divided. The United States and Britain supported Nigeria.
Biafra surrendered on January 15, 1970. Ojukwu fled to Ivory Coast. Gowon proclaimed: “No victor, no vanquished.” But the Igbo had lost. The war left deep scars — in Nigeria and in the Igbo psyche.
Part Two: The Military Coups (1960–1990)
Why Coups Happened
Military coups were not accidents. They were the result of deep structural problems:
Weak civilian institutions . The colonial state had not allowed political parties, trade unions, or civil society organizations to develop. The new governments were fragile. They had little legitimacy and few resources.
Ethnic divisions . In many countries, the government was dominated by one ethnic group. The military, by contrast, was often more ethnically diverse (at least at the lower ranks). When the government favored its own ethnic group, the military felt it had the right — the duty — to intervene.
Economic decline . In the 1970s and 1980s, African economies collapsed. The prices of raw materials fell. The debts rose. The governments could not pay salaries, provide services, or maintain infrastructure. The people were angry. The military stepped in.
Corruption . The new elites — the politicians, the civil servants, the businessmen — enriched themselves at the expense of the people. They bought luxury cars, built mansions, and sent their children to schools in Europe. The soldiers, who lived in barracks and received low pay, were disgusted.
The example of others . Once a country had its first coup, the idea that the military could (and should) intervene became normal. Coups begat coups.
The Military in Power
Military regimes shared common features:
The junta . The officers who seized power formed a junta (a committee). The junta was usually dominated by a single leader (the “president” or “chairman”). The junta suspended the constitution, dissolved the parliament, banned political parties, and ruled by decree.
The “corrective” mission . The soldiers claimed that they were not interested in power. They would stay only long enough to “correct” the mistakes of the civilians — to restore order, end corruption, and prepare the country for a return to civilian rule. In most cases, they stayed for years — or decades.
Repression . Military regimes were repressive. They arrested and tortured political opponents. They closed newspapers. They banned trade unions. They used the army, the police, and the secret police to control the population.
Personal rule . Many military leaders became personal dictators — ruling for their own benefit, not for the nation. Examples include Mobutu Sese Seko (Congo/Zaire, 1965–1997), Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo, 1967–2005), Omar Bongo (Gabon, 1967–2009), Hissène Habré (Chad, 1982–1990), Mengistu Haile Mariam (Ethiopia, 1977–1991), and Siaka Stevens (Sierra Leone, 1971–1985).
The Case of Mobutu Sese Seko (Congo/Zaire, 1965–1997)
Mobutu Sese Seko (1930–1997) was the archetypal African dictator. He seized power in the Congo in 1965, after the chaos of the Congo Crisis. He ruled for 32 years.
Mobutu’s regime was characterized by:
Personal rule . Mobutu was the state. He controlled the army, the police, the secret police, the judiciary, the legislature, the civil service, and the economy. He renamed the country Zaire (1971). He renamed himself Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga (“the all‑powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, will go from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake”).
Corruption . Mobutu and his cronies looted the country. They stole billions of dollars. Mobutu had villas in Belgium, Switzerland, and France. He had a fleet of Mercedes‑Benz cars. He had a supersonic Concorde jet.
The Authenticité policy . Mobutu tried to create a “genuine” Zairian identity. He banned Christian names (he changed his own from Joseph‑Désiré Mobutu to Mobutu Sese Seko). He banned Western clothing (he wore a leopard‑skin hat and a safari suit). He promoted traditional art, music, and dance. The Authenticité policy was a cover for his dictatorship.
Repression . Mobutu’s secret police, the Agence Nationale de Documentation (AND) , arrested, tortured, and killed political opponents. There was no free press, no free speech, no free assembly.
External support . Mobutu was a Cold War ally of the United States. The Americans gave him billions of dollars in aid, weapons, and training. They looked the other way when he stole. They needed him to keep the Congo out of Soviet hands.
Mobutu was overthrown in 1997 by Laurent‑Désiré Kabila , who was backed by Rwanda and Uganda. He died in exile in Morocco.
Part Three: The Cold War in Africa (1960–1991)
The Superpowers and Africa
The Cold War (1947–1991) was a global struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union. The two superpowers did not fight each other directly. They fought proxy wars — using allies, clients, and mercenaries.
Africa was a major battlefield. The superpowers competed for influence, for bases, for resources, and for ideological allies. The United States supported anti‑communist regimes — even if they were dictatorships, even if they were corrupt, even if they were brutal. The Soviet Union supported pro‑communist regimes — even if they were inefficient, even if they were repressive, even if they were unpopular.
The Cold War made African conflicts worse. It prolonged civil wars, funded atrocities, and blocked democratic reforms. It also created a class of client dictators — leaders who survived not because they were popular, but because they had a superpower patron.
The Congo Crisis (1960–1965)
The Congo Crisis was the first major Cold War confrontation in Africa (covered briefly in Volume IV). The crisis began when the Congo became independent (June 30, 1960). The army mutinied. Katanga and South Kasai seceded. The United Nations sent peacekeepers, but they did not intervene in Katanga.
The prime minister, Patrice Lumumba , appealed to the Soviet Union for help. The United States and Belgium saw Lumumba as a communist. They plotted to remove him. In September 1960, President Joseph Kasa‑Vubu dismissed Lumumba. The army chief of staff, Mobutu , seized power. Lumumba was arrested, transferred to Katanga, and executed (January 17, 1961).
The United Nations finally intervened, defeated the Katanga secession (1963), and restored the central government. Mobutu seized power again in 1965 and ruled for 32 years (see above).
The Congo Crisis showed that the superpowers were willing to assassinate African leaders who threatened their interests. It also showed that the United Nations was weak and divided.
Angola: The Longest Proxy War (1975–2002)
The Angolan Civil War was the longest and most devastating proxy war in Africa. It began when Angola became independent from Portugal (November 11, 1975). Three rival movements fought for power:
- MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) – led by Agostinho Neto , later by José Eduardo dos Santos . The MPLA was Marxist‑Leninist, supported by the Soviet Union and Cuba.
- UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) – led by Jonas Savimbi (1934–2002). UNITA was anti‑communist, supported by the United States and South Africa.
- FNLA (National Front for the Liberation of Angola) – led by Holden Roberto (1923–2007). The FNLA was also anti‑communist, supported by the United States and Zaire (Mobutu). The FNLA was defeated early in the war.
The MPLA won the initial struggle, with the help of Cuban troops (about 50,000 at their peak). The Cubans fought bravely and effectively. They defeated the South African invasion (1975–1976) and protected the MPLA government.
But the war continued. UNITA, with the support of the United States and South Africa, waged a guerrilla war. Savimbi was a brilliant guerrilla leader. He controlled the countryside, while the MPLA controlled the cities. The war destroyed Angola’s infrastructure, economy, and society. About 500,000 people died. Another 4 million were displaced.
The war ended in 2002, when Savimbi was killed in a battle with government troops. UNITA surrendered. Angola has been at peace since then — but the country is still poor, still corrupt, and still traumatized.
Mozambique (1977–1992)
Mozambique’s civil war was similar to Angola’s, but worse in some ways. The Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) , led by Samora Machel (1933–1986), won independence from Portugal in 1975. FRELIMO was Marxist‑Leninist. It nationalized land, health, and education. It also suppressed political opposition.
The Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) was created by the Rhodesian intelligence service (to destabilize Mozambique) and later supported by South Africa. RENAMO was not a political movement; it was a band of thugs. It attacked villages, killed civilians, destroyed schools and clinics, and kidnapped children to serve as soldiers.
The war lasted 15 years. About 1 million people died — most from starvation, disease, and violence. Another 5 million were displaced. The country was destroyed.
The war ended in 1992, with the Rome General Peace Accords . RENAMO became a political party. FRELIMO remained in power. Mozambique is now one of the fastest‑growing economies in Africa — but it is still one of the poorest.
The Horn of Africa: Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Somalia
The Horn of Africa was another Cold War hotspot. The region was plagued by war, famine, and state collapse.
Ethiopia was a traditional empire, ruled by Emperor Haile Selassie (1892–1975). In 1974, a group of Marxist officers, the Derg , overthrew Selassie. The Derg was led by Mengistu Haile Mariam (1937–). Mengistu was a brutal dictator. He killed thousands of political opponents (the “Red Terror”). He collectivized agriculture, causing a famine that killed about 1 million people (1984–1985).
Ethiopia also fought a long war with Eritrea , which had been colonized by Italy and later federated with Ethiopia. Eritrea wanted independence. The war lasted 30 years (1961–1991). It ended when the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) defeated the Ethiopian army. Eritrea became independent in 1993.
Somalia collapsed into civil war in 1991. The dictator Siad Barre (1919–1995) was overthrown. The country fragmented into clan‑based fiefdoms. There was no government, no police, no army. Famine killed about 300,000 people (1991–1992). The United States and the United Nations intervened (Operation Restore Hope, 1992–1995), but they failed to restore order. Somalia is still a failed state.
Part Four: The Socialist Experiments (1960–1990)
Julius Nyerere and Ujamaa (Tanzania)
Julius Nyerere (1922–1999) was the most respected African leader of his generation. He was a teacher, a philosopher, and a politician. He led Tanganyika to independence (1961) and later became president of Tanzania (after the union with Zanzibar in 1964).
Nyerere’s philosophy was Ujamaa — a Swahili word meaning “familyhood” or “togetherness.” Ujamaa was an African form of socialism, based on traditional African values: cooperation, mutual assistance, and community ownership. Nyerere argued that capitalism was alien to Africa, that it promoted individualism and greed, and that Africa needed its own path to development.
The Ujamaa policy had several components:
Villagization . Nyerere encouraged (and later forced) farmers to move into Ujamaa villages — collective farms where they would work together, share the harvest, and build schools, clinics, and water systems. The idea was to end subsistence farming and create a modern, cooperative agriculture.
Nationalization . Nyerere nationalized banks, industries, and large farms. The state controlled the economy.
Education for self‑reliance . Nyerere reformed education to focus on practical skills, not just academic knowledge. He also made Swahili the national language, uniting Tanzania’s many ethnic groups.
Non‑alignment . Nyerere refused to take sides in the Cold War. He accepted aid from both the United States and the Soviet Union — but he did not become a client of either.
The results were mixed. Tanzania became one of the most stable, most literate, and most unified countries in Africa. But the economy stagnated. The Ujamaa villages were inefficient. Farmers resisted collectivization. The nationalized industries were corrupt and unproductive. Tanzania remained one of the poorest countries in the world.
Nyerere retired in 1985. He was one of the few African leaders to leave power voluntarily. He died in 1999, mourned by his people and respected around the world.
Kwame Nkrumah and Consciencism (Ghana)
Kwame Nkrumah (1909–1972) was the first leader of independent Ghana (1957–1966). He was a Pan‑Africanist, a socialist, and a visionary. He wanted to unite Africa, to industrialize Ghana, and to create a “African personality” free from colonial influence.
Nkrumah’s philosophy was Consciencism — a synthesis of African traditional values, Islamic values, and Euro‑Christian values. He argued that Africa needed a new ideology, a new consciousness, to overcome the legacy of colonialism.
Nkrumah’s policies:
Industrialization . He built the Akosombo Dam (on the Volta River) to provide electricity for industry. He built factories, steel mills, and a car assembly plant. The industries were inefficient and expensive.
Pan‑Africanism . He hosted the All‑African People’s Conference (1958) and the Organisation of African Unity (1963). He dreamed of a United States of Africa — a single African government.
Repression . Nkrumah became increasingly authoritarian. He banned opposition parties, arrested his rivals, and ruled by decree. He declared himself president for life (1964).
Nkrumah was overthrown by a military coup in 1966, while he was on a peace mission to Vietnam. He died in exile in Guinea (where Sékou Touré made him honorary co‑president). His legacy is contested: he was a visionary, but he was also a dictator.
Marxist‑Leninist Regimes (Ethiopia, Angola, Mozambique)
After the Portuguese revolution (1974), the former Portuguese colonies — Angola, Mozambique, Guinea‑Bissau — adopted Marxist‑Leninist regimes. They were aligned with the Soviet Union and Cuba.
Ethiopia (after 1974) was also Marxist‑Leninist, under Mengistu’s Derg.
These regimes shared common features:
One‑party rule . The revolutionary party (MPLA, FRELIMO, PAIGC, or the Workers’ Party of Ethiopia) controlled the state. There was no opposition, no free press, no free elections.
State control of the economy . The state nationalized land, banks, industries, and trade. The state set prices, controlled wages, and allocated resources.
Collectivization . In Ethiopia, the Derg forced farmers into collective villages, causing a devastating famine (1984–1985).
Repression . The regimes arrested, tortured, and killed political opponents. The Derg’s “Red Terror” (1977–1978) killed about 500,000 people. The MPLA and FRELIMO also used brutal methods to suppress dissent.
External support . The regimes depended on Soviet and Cuban aid. When the Soviet Union collapsed (1991), the regimes collapsed too — or were forced to reform.
The Marxist‑Leninist regimes failed. They were inefficient, corrupt, and brutal. They did not develop their economies. They did not liberate their people. They created new forms of oppression.
Part Five: Apartheid South Africa (1960–1991)
The Intensification of Repression
After the Sharpeville Massacre (1960), the South African government banned the African National Congress (ANC) and the Pan‑Africanist Congress (PAC) . The leaders went into exile or underground. Nelson Mandela (1918–2013) and other ANC leaders formed Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), the armed wing of the ANC. They launched a campaign of sabotage against government targets.
The government responded with even more repression. It passed laws that allowed the police to detain people without trial (the 90‑day detention law, later extended to 180 days). It created a new security police force. It banned newspapers, meetings, and protests.
In 1963, the police raided the ANC’s underground headquarters at Liliesleaf Farm (Rivonia, near Johannesburg). They arrested Nelson Mandela , Walter Sisulu , Govan Mbeki , and other leaders. The Rivonia Trial (1963–1964) was a show trial. Mandela gave a famous speech from the dock:
“I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”
Mandela and his comrades were sentenced to life imprisonment. They were sent to Robben Island , a prison off the coast of Cape Town, where they would spend the next 18 years.
The Armed Struggle and the External Mission
After the Rivonia Trial, the ANC’s leadership was in prison or in exile. The external mission was led by Oliver Tambo (1917–1993), who had escaped South Africa before the crackdown. Tambo set up the ANC’s headquarters in Lusaka , Zambia.
The ANC’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe, continued the struggle. It launched attacks on police stations, power stations, and government buildings. The attacks were small and ineffective. The government responded with more repression.
The PAC also had an armed wing, the Poqo , which was even smaller and less effective.
The Black Consciousness Movement (1960s–1970s)
In the 1960s and 1970s, a new movement emerged: Black Consciousness . It was led by Steve Biko (1946–1977), a medical student at the University of Natal. Biko argued that the first step to liberation was psychological liberation: Black South Africans had to overcome their sense of inferiority, their internalized racism. They had to be proud of being Black.
The Black Consciousness movement was not a political party; it was a cultural and psychological movement. It organized Black Community Programs : health clinics, literacy classes, and legal aid centers. It also organized student protests.
In 1976, the government required that Afrikaans (the language of the oppressor) be used as the medium of instruction in Black schools. The students protested. The protest began in Soweto (South‑Western Townships, near Johannesburg) on June 16, 1976. Thousands of students marched. The police opened fire. Hector Pieterson , a 13‑year‑old boy, was killed. The image of his body being carried by a friend was broadcast around the world.
The Soweto Uprising spread across the country. The protests continued for months. The government killed about 600 people, wounded thousands, and arrested thousands more. The uprising radicalized a new generation of activists. Many fled into exile and joined the ANC.
Steve Biko was arrested in August 1977. He was interrogated, beaten, and tortured. He died of brain damage on September 12, 1977. His death was a turning point. The international community condemned South Africa. The United Nations imposed a mandatory arms embargo .
The International Anti‑Apartheid Movement
The anti‑apartheid movement was one of the most successful international solidarity movements in history. It was led by the United Nations , the Commonwealth , the Non‑Aligned Movement , and countless NGOs, churches, trade unions, and student groups.
The movement used several tactics:
Economic sanctions . The UN imposed a mandatory arms embargo (1977). The Commonwealth imposed sanctions on trade, investment, and travel. The United States and Europe imposed sanctions in the 1980s. The sanctions hurt the South African economy. The rand fell. Inflation rose. Foreign investment fled.
Sports and cultural boycotts . South Africa was banned from the Olympics (1964–1992). It was banned from international cricket, rugby, and soccer. Musicians, actors, and artists refused to perform in South Africa. The boycotts isolated white South Africans and made apartheid a global pariah.
Divestment . Universities, churches, and pension funds sold their shares in companies that did business with South Africa. The divestment movement put pressure on corporations to leave South Africa.
Anti‑apartheid activism . In Britain, the Anti‑Apartheid Movement (AAM) organized protests, boycotts, and lobbying. In the United States, the Free South Africa Movement organized civil disobedience. In Scandinavia, governments provided humanitarian aid to the ANC.
The apartheid government was not immune to pressure. It began to realize that apartheid was unsustainable.
The End of Apartheid (1989–1991)
In 1989, F.W. de Klerk (1936–) became president of South Africa. He was a conservative Afrikaner — but he was also a realist. He saw that apartheid was collapsing, that the economy was failing, and that the international sanctions were crippling the country.
In February 1990, de Klerk announced a series of reforms:
- He unbanned the ANC, the PAC, and the South African Communist Party.
- He released Nelson Mandela from prison (February 11, 1990). Mandela had spent 27 years in prison.
- He began negotiations with the ANC and other anti‑apartheid groups.
The negotiations were difficult. There was violence between the ANC and the Zulu nationalist Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) , which was backed by the apartheid government. There were also attacks by white supremacist groups.
But the negotiations continued. In 1991, de Klerk repealed the remaining apartheid laws (the Population Registration Act, the Group Areas Act, the Land Acts). The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began drafting a new constitution.
The end of the Cold War (1991) made it easier for the apartheid government to negotiate. The Soviet Union was gone; the ANC could no longer count on communist support. The United States, now the sole superpower, was no longer willing to protect South Africa from sanctions.
The new South Africa was born on April 27, 1994 , when the first democratic elections were held. Nelson Mandela became president. F.W. de Klerk became deputy president. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (1996–1998) would later investigate the crimes of apartheid.
Part Six: The Economic Crisis and Structural Adjustment (1980s)
The Debt Crisis
In the 1970s, African governments borrowed heavily from Western banks and international financial institutions. The money was supposed to be used for development: building roads, dams, schools, hospitals, and factories. Much of it was stolen or wasted.
In the 1980s, interest rates rose, commodity prices fell, and the debts became unpayable. African governments could not pay the interest, let alone the principal. They had to borrow more just to pay the interest. The debt grew and grew.
By 1987, sub‑Saharan Africa owed about $150 billion (in 1980s dollars). The debt payments were larger than the combined budgets for health and education.
Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs)
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank offered to help. They would lend money to African governments — but only if the governments agreed to structural adjustment programs (SAPs) . The SAPs were a set of policies designed to reduce the role of the state, open the economy to foreign investment, and promote economic growth.
The SAPs included:
Privatization . State‑owned industries (mines, factories, banks, airlines) were sold to private investors — often to foreign companies.
Deregulation . Price controls, subsidies, and import tariffs were removed. The market was supposed to allocate resources.
Austerity . Governments were required to cut spending on health, education, and social services. They were also required to reduce the size of the civil service.
Currency devaluation . African currencies were devalued, making exports cheaper and imports more expensive.
Trade liberalization . Import barriers were lowered, allowing foreign goods to flood African markets.
The SAPs were a disaster. The African economies collapsed. The cuts in health and education led to rising infant mortality, falling literacy rates, and the spread of HIV/AIDS. The privatization of state industries enriched a small class of insiders (African and foreign). The devaluation of currencies made imported goods (including medicine, fertilizer, and machinery) unaffordable. The trade liberalization destroyed local industries, which could not compete with cheap imports.
The SAPs were imposed by the IMF and the World Bank — not by African governments. They were a form of neo‑colonialism : economic control without political responsibility.
The Lost Decade
The 1980s became known as the “Lost Decade” for Africa. The continent grew poorer, sicker, and hungrier. The debt crisis continued. The structural adjustment programs failed. The Cold War was ending, and the superpowers were losing interest.
But there were also signs of hope. The anti‑apartheid movement was winning. The democratic movements in Eastern Europe (Poland, Hungary, East Germany, Czechoslovakia) inspired similar movements in Africa. And a new generation of African leaders — Yoweri Museveni (Uganda), Meles Zenawi (Ethiopia), Paul Kagame (Rwanda) — was coming to power.
Part Seven: The End of the Cold War and the New World Order (1989–1991)
The Fall of the Berlin Wall (1989)
The fall of the Berlin Wall (November 9, 1989) symbolized the end of the Cold War. The Soviet Union collapsed in 1991. The United States became the world’s sole superpower.
The end of the Cold War had profound consequences for Africa:
The loss of superpower support . African dictators who had been propped up by the United States or the Soviet Union lost their patrons. Mobutu (Zaire), Mengistu (Ethiopia), and Siad Barre (Somalia) were overthrown.
The rise of democracy . The United States and other Western countries now demanded that African governments hold multiparty elections, respect human rights, and reduce corruption. The “third wave” of democratization swept across Africa.
The end of proxy wars . The civil wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Ethiopia came to an end (or began to wind down). The superpowers were no longer funding the rebels.
The rise of China . As the West lost interest, China stepped in. China offered trade, investment, and aid — with no conditions. The Chinese did not care about human rights, democracy, or corruption. They wanted resources (oil, copper, cobalt, timber) and markets.
The New World Order
The end of the Cold War did not bring peace to Africa. It brought new conflicts: ethnic wars , genocides , and state collapse . The worst was yet to come: the Rwandan genocide (1994), the Congo wars (1996–2003), and the failed states of Somalia, Liberia, and Sierra Leone.
But the end of the Cold War also brought new opportunities. The anti‑apartheid movement achieved its goal: a democratic, non‑racial South Africa. The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) began to reform, eventually becoming the African Union (AU) in 2002. And a new generation of African leaders — Thabo Mbeki (South Africa), Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), John Kufuor (Ghana), Paul Kagame (Rwanda), Meles Zenawi (Ethiopia) — began to rebuild their countries.
Appendices for Volume V
Timeline of Volume V (1960–1991)
| Date | Event |
|---|---|
| 1960 | Year of Africa – 17 countries independent. Congo Crisis begins. |
| 1961 | Patrice Lumumba executed. South Africa leaves Commonwealth. |
| 1963 | Organisation of African Unity (OAU) founded. Togo’s first coup. |
| 1964 | Rivonia Trial – Mandela sentenced to life imprisonment. |
| 1965 | Mobutu seizes power in Congo (Zaire). |
| 1966 | Nkrumah overthrown in Ghana. Two coups in Nigeria. |
| 1967–1970 | Nigerian Civil War (Biafra) – 1–3 million dead. |
| 1974 | Carnation Revolution (Portugal) – independence for Portuguese colonies. |
| 1975 | Angola and Mozambique independent. Civil wars begin. |
| 1976 | Soweto Uprising – Hector Pieterson killed. |
| 1977 | Steve Biko killed. UN arms embargo against South Africa. |
| 1979 | Idi Amin overthrown in Uganda. |
| 1980 | Zimbabwe independent (Robert Mugabe). |
| 1983–1985 | Ethiopian famine – 1 million dead. |
| 1984–1985 | “Live Aid” concerts raise money for Ethiopia. |
| 1989 | F.W. de Klerk becomes South African president. Fall of Berlin Wall. |
| 1990 | Nelson Mandela released from prison. |
| 1991 | End of the Cold War. Mengistu overthrown in Ethiopia. |
Glossary of Volume V Key Terms
Authenticité – Mobutu’s policy of promoting “genuine” Zairian culture (African names, clothing, art) as a cover for his dictatorship.
Biafra – The secessionist state in southeastern Nigeria (1967–1970), led by Igbo officers. Its defeat caused 1–3 million deaths.
Black Consciousness – A psychological and cultural movement in South Africa, led by Steve Biko, that encouraged Black South Africans to be proud of their race.
Carnation Revolution – The military coup in Portugal (April 25, 1974) that overthrew the dictatorship and led to the independence of the Portuguese colonies.
CODESA – The Convention for a Democratic South Africa (1991–1992), which negotiated the end of apartheid.
Consciencism – Kwame Nkrumah’s philosophy of African socialism, synthesizing traditional, Islamic, and Euro‑Christian values.
Derg – The Marxist military junta that ruled Ethiopia (1974–1991), led by Mengistu Haile Mariam.
Divestment – The selling of shares in companies that did business with South Africa, as a tactic of the anti‑apartheid movement.
Françafrique – The network of political, economic, and military relationships that keeps France influential in its former African colonies.
Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) – A Zulu nationalist party in South Africa, led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi, which collaborated with the apartheid government.
Junta – A military committee that seizes power in a coup.
Lost Decade – The 1980s, when African economies collapsed under debt and structural adjustment programs.
Mengistu Haile Mariam (1937–) – The Marxist dictator of Ethiopia (1977–1991), responsible for the “Red Terror” and the 1984–1985 famine.
Mobutu Sese Seko (1930–1997) – The dictator of Zaire (Congo) from 1965 to 1997, one of the most corrupt and brutal rulers in African history.
Neo‑colonialism – The continued economic, political, and military control of former colonies by their former colonizers, without formal political control.
OAU – The Organisation of African Unity (1963–2002), the precursor to the African Union.
Proxy war – A war fought between clients or allies of two superpowers, rather than between the superpowers themselves.
RENAMO – The Mozambique National Resistance, a rebel group created by Rhodesia and South Africa to destabilize the FRELIMO government.
Rivonia Trial – The 1963–1964 trial of Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders, who were sentenced to life imprisonment.
Robben Island – The prison off the coast of Cape Town where Nelson Mandela and other ANC leaders were held for 18 years.
SAPs – Structural adjustment programs, imposed by the IMF and World Bank in the 1980s and 1990s, requiring privatization, austerity, and trade liberalization.
Soweto Uprising – The 1976 student protests in Soweto, South Africa, against the use of Afrikaans in schools. The police killed about 600 people.
Ujamaa – Julius Nyerere’s philosophy of African socialism, based on traditional African values of cooperation and community.
Umkhonto we Sizwe – The armed wing of the ANC, founded after the Sharpeville Massacre (1960).
UNITA – The National Union for the Total Independence of Angola, led by Jonas Savimbi, an anti‑communist rebel group supported by the United States and South Africa.
Biographical Sketches (Volume V)
Nelson Mandela (1918–2013, South Africa) – The most famous African leader of the twentieth century. He led the armed wing of the ANC, was imprisoned for 27 years (1962–1990), and became the first Black president of South Africa (1994–1999). He won the Nobel Peace Prize (1993).
F.W. de Klerk (1936–, South Africa) – The last president of apartheid South Africa (1989–1994). He unbanned the ANC, released Nelson Mandela, and negotiated the end of apartheid. He won the Nobel Peace Prize (1993) with Mandela.
Steve Biko (1946–1977, South Africa) – The founder of the Black Consciousness Movement. He was arrested, tortured, and killed by the South African police. His death made him a martyr.
Jonas Savimbi (1934–2002, Angola) – The leader of UNITA, an anti‑communist rebel group. He fought the MPLA government for 27 years. He was killed in battle in 2002.
Mobutu Sese Seko (1930–1997, Congo/Zaire) – The dictator of Zaire (Congo) from 1965 to 1997. He was one of the most corrupt and brutal rulers in African history. He was overthrown in 1997.
Mengistu Haile Mariam (1937–, Ethiopia) – The Marxist dictator of Ethiopia (1977–1991). He was responsible for the “Red Terror” (1977–1978) and the 1984–1985 famine. He fled to Zimbabwe, where he lives in exile.
Samora Machel (1933–1986, Mozambique) – The first president of independent Mozambique (1975–1986). He was a Marxist‑Leninist who led FRELIMO. He died in a plane crash under suspicious circumstances.
Robert Mugabe (1924–2019, Zimbabwe) – The first prime minister (1980–1987) and president (1987–2017) of Zimbabwe. He was a hero of the liberation struggle but became a brutal dictator. He was overthrown in 2017.
Olusegun Obasanjo (1937–, Nigeria) – A former military ruler (1976–1979) and later civilian president (1999–2007) of Nigeria. He is one of the most respected African elder statesmen.
Thabo Mbeki (1942–, South Africa) – The second president of South Africa (1999–2008). He was a close ally of Nelson Mandela but became controversial for his denial of HIV/AIDS.
Afterword to Volume V
Volume V has covered the postcolonial state , the military coups , and the Cold War on African soil (1960–1991). We have seen how the hopes of independence were dashed by military dictators, corrupt elites, and superpower interventions. We have seen the Nigerian Civil War (Biafra), the Angolan and Mozambican civil wars , the Ethiopian famine , and the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. We have seen the economic crisis of the 1980s and the imposition of structural adjustment programs .
But we have also seen the end of the Cold War , the release of Nelson Mandela , and the beginning of a new era. Volume VI will cover the democratization of Africa , the Rwandan genocide , the Congo wars , and the failed states of the 1990s and early 2000s.
Volume VI: Democratization, Genocide, and Civil War (1991–2005)
