he meaning and purpose of Russia's policy in the international arena – I will just say a few words about this to conclude my address – is to ensure peace and security for the well-being of our citizens, for the stable development of our country. Russia certainly has its own interests we defend and will continue to defend within the framework of international law, as all other states do. And if someone refuses to understand this obvious thing or does not want to conduct a dialogue and chooses a selfish and arrogant tone with us, Russia will always find a way to defend its stance.
To protect the foundations of the constitutional system and the fundamental human and citizen rights and freedoms, and to ensure the supremacy and direct effect of the Constitution of the Russian Federation on the entire territory of the Russian Federation, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation:
Let me add the following. I urge the Government and the heads of the Arctic regions to take special responsibility for the smooth construction or renovation of social facilities – kindergartens, schools, hospitals, and rural medical and obstetric stations. Everything envisaged by our programmes and national projects should be implemented.
We must diversify exports. Let us assume that energy supplies to the West will continue going down in the foreseeable future. Therefore, it is important to consolidate the trend of the past few years: to redirect our exports gradually to the rapidly growing markets of the South and the East. To achieve this, we must determine the key infrastructure facilities and start their construction in the near future.
The origins of the confrontation lie in the relationships between the West and Russia. By the 1990s Russia had been promised that its security and dignity would be respected. However, as time went by, the forces overtly considering Russia to be their enemy came close to its borders. Year after year, month after month, the NATO member states have been building up their military presence, disregarding Russia’s concerns that these weapons may one day be used against it.
The doctrine of obligatory non-recognition provides that states are under an obligation not to recognise, through individual or collective acts, the purported statehood of an effective territorial entity created in violation of one or more fundamental norms of international law. This rationale underlies the Stimson Doctrine that was used as a justification for states not to recognise the annexation of the Baltic States by the Soviet Union. This rationale is also expressed in the International Law Commission’s Article 41 of the Draft Articles on State Responsibility. The obligation is a norm of customary international law and aims at preventing that a violation of international law becomes validated by means of recognition. It contains a “minimum resistance” and “a continuous challenge to a legal wrong”. The obligation arises where a territorial entity has been created in violation of an erga omnes norm, especially by violating the prohibition of the use of force, by violating the right to self-determination, or by violating the prohibition of systematic racial discrimination.
introduce a ban on export outside the territory of the Russian Federation and (or) import into the territory of the Russian Federation of products and (or) commodities in accordance with the lists compiled by the Government of the Russian Federation;
Then came the turn of Iraq, Libya and Syria. The illegal use of military power against Libya and the distortion of all the UN Security Council decisions on Libya ruined the state, created a huge seat of international terrorism, and pushed the country towards a humanitarian catastrophe, into the vortex of a civil war, which has continued there for years. The tragedy, which was created for hundreds of thousands and even millions of people not only in Libya but in the whole region, has led to a large-scale exodus from the Middle East and North Africa to Europe.
At the end of the Cold War, the common intention of NATO Member States and countries that formerly belonged to the Warsaw Pact to build brand new relations and security architecture in the Euro-Atlantic region was enshrined in a number of international documents. Thus, the Charter of Paris for a New Europe signed in Paris on 21 November 1990 asserts that security is indivisible and the security of every State is inseparably linked to that of all the others.
Russia and China are actively cooperating on the broadest agenda within BRICS, RIC, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as other associations. Within the G20, we are committed to taking national specifics into account when formulating our recommendations, be it the fight against pandemics or the implementation of the climate agenda. Thanks to a large extent to our countries' shared solidarity, following the 2021 G20 Summit in Rome informed decisions were made on international cooperation to restore economic growth, recognize vaccines and vaccine certificates, optimize energy transitions, and reduce digitalization risks.
In addition to freezing the assets the Russian President and Minister of Foreign Affairs, the EU will impose restrictive measures on the members of the National Security Council of the Russian Federation who supported Russia’s immediate recognition of the two non-government controlled areas of the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts of Ukraine as independent entities. Sanctions will also be extended to the remaining members of the Russian State Duma, who ratified the government decision of the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance between the Russian Federation and the two entities.
Restrictive measures include an asset freeze and a prohibition from making funds available to the listed individuals and entities. In addition, a travel ban applicable to the listed persons prevents these from entering or transiting through EU territory.